No. 2 Construction Battalion—An Overview

Note: The content below is a blend of two previous posts on this blog—African Canadians and the Canadian Expeditionary Force (January 2014) and Pte. Joseph Alexander Parris—A No. 2 Construction Battalion Soldier's Story (January 2014). This post was last updated on May 19, 2021.

Background—African Canadians and the Canadian Expeditionary Force

Following the outbreak of the First World War, Canadians from many racial and ethnic backgrounds were eager to serve with the newly created Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF).  Unfortunately, some groups received a less than enthusiastic response at recruitment offices.  Canadians of Native, Japanese and African ancestry in particular encountered indifference, resistance and outright rejection when they attempted to enlist for overseas service.

Considering their record of previous military service with British military units, it is not surprising that African Canadians sought to enlist with the CEF after the outbreak of the First World War. While a handful succeeded in joining the First Canadian Contingent battalions that departed for England in September 1914, the vast majority were rejected due to their racial background.

To their credit, African Canadian communities and leaders across the country protested throughout the first year of the war. Their complaints largely fell on deaf ears until a November 1915 incident in New Brunswick provoked considerable backlash. A group of 25 Black volunteers who had persistently attempted to enlist throughout the year were turned away when they reported for service with the 104th Battalion at Sussex, New Brunswick.

In the aftermath of the incident, the unit's Officer Commanding (OC), Lieutenant-Colonel Beverley Robinson Armstrong, wrote to military officials, asking if consideration was being given to the formation of a “black battalion” anywhere in Canada. Simultaneously, Minister of Militia Sir Sam Hughes responded to correspondence received from John T. Richards of Saint John, NB, in relation to the Sussex incident.

The content of the Minister's letter was both curious and contradictory. Hughes stated that he had issued instructions that any African Canadian who met the CEF's physical requirements should be permitted to enlist in any battalion, a policy that was clearly not being followed. Subsequent to Hughes' correspondence, Adjutant-General William Egerton Hodgins wrote to the General Officer, Military District 6, Halifax, NS, on November 29, 1915, stating that the Minister had issued instructions that "the coloured men are to be permitted to enlist in any battalion.”

Despite such explicit statements from both civilian and military authorities, OCs and recruitment officers continued to reject Black volunteers, and their superiors, not wishing to overrule their judgment, declined to intervene. A similar incident in Ontario eventually brought matters to a head, forcing Canadian government officials to finally resolve the blatant contradiction between national policy and local practice.

In November 1915, J. R. B. Whitney, publisher of the Canadian Observer, a prominent African Canadian newspaper, offered to recruit a “Black” Ontario platoon of 150 men for service with a CEF battalion. When Minister Hughes replied that there was nothing to prevent him from doing so, Whitney raised the required number of volunteers, only to be told in March 1916 that no OC was willing to accept such a platoon.

The following month, Whitney once again contacted Minister Hughes, seeking an explanation for this rejection and requesting his platoon's accommodation within an existing battalion. The military's failure to meet his request represented tacit acknowledgement that discriminatory practices at the local level, not official policy at Ottawa, determined the fate of African Canadians wishing to serve with the CEF.

The availability and suitability of African Canadians for military service was readily apparent to some individuals within the military. Reverend Joseph Freeman Tupper, an Honorary Captain and Chaplain who enlisted with the 193rd Battalion on April 1, 1916, wrote to Minister of Militia Hughes, volunteering to raise an “integrated” battalion after local recruiters turned away more than 100 African Canadians. His offer received no serious consideration.

By mid-1916, events occurring in the larger context of the war eventually produced a resolution of sorts to the issue of African Canadian military service. Rising casualty figures overseas, combined with declining enlistment numbers at home, created a significant problem for the CEF—for the first time since the war's outbreak, it faced the prospect of declined numbers of men in uniform.

At the same time, there was increasing support amongst military commanders in Ottawa for the formation of a separate Black unit of some kind.  Unwilling to over-rule local COs who consistently refused to accept Black recruits, such action was perceived as the only acceptable solution, albeit not an ideal one.

In April 1916, after 18 months of discussion, contradiction and lack of action, Major-General Sir Willoughby Garnons Gwatkin, Chief of the Canadian Militia's General Staff, recommended that the “practice” of allowing individual Blacks to enlist in “white” battalions at the discretion of individual OCs should continue. He further suggested that African Canadians form one or more labour battalions for overseas service.

Gwatkin's memo became the basis for the CEF's recruitment policy with regard to African Canadians for the remainder of the war, and prompted the formation of a separate Black battalion.  On May 11, 1916, British authorities indicated their willingness to accept an African Canadian labour unit. Canadian military authorities quickly announced the formation of No. 2 Construction Battalion at Pictou, Nova Scotia on July 5, 1916. Granted official permission to recruit its personnel across the entire country, the unit provided the first official opportunity for African Canadians to serve overseas with the CEF.

No. 2 Construction Battalion—Organization & Recruitment

While its formation was a victory of sorts for the African Canadian community, there were significant elements of inequity in its structure. For example, all of its officers but one—Honorary Chaplain, Rev. William A. White of Truro, NS—were Caucasian, and infantry units remained virtually closed to African Canadian recruits throughout the remainder of the war, with only a handful of exceptions.

By coincidence, the unit organized in a barracks on the Pictou waterfront recently occupied by a Company of the 106th Battalion (Nova Scotia Rifles). The Truro-based unit was one of the few to accept African Nova Scotians into its ranks. At least 16 enlisted with the 106th and were transferred to active front-line infantry battalions when the unit was disbanded shortly after arriving in the United Kingdom. These men, however, remained the exception to the rule throughout the war.

Lieutenant-Colonel Daniel Hugh Sutherland, a native of River John, NS, who had initially enlisted with the 193rd Battalion, was appointed the unit's OC. The remaining officers were drawn from across Canada and the United Kingdom, eight of whom were Nova Scotians. While organizers hoped to enlist a full complement of 1,049 men all ranks, initial response was disappointing. Whether discouraged by the CEF's previous discriminatory practices or dismayed at the prospects of serving in a segregated labour unit, young African Canadian men did not rush to enlist. By August 19, Lt.-Col. Sutherland reported a total of only 180 recruits at the battalion's Water Street barracks.

On September 9, in an effort to stimulate recruitment, No. 2 Construction relocated to Truro, a community with a sizeable African Nova Scotian population. The location was also closer to the Halifax area's large African Nova Scotian population. Lt.-Col. Sutherland laid out plans to obtain half of the unit's personnel from the Maritimes, an additional Company from Ontario and a fourth from Western Canada. In the end, 500 of the battalion's total enlistments came from Nova Scotia, 24 of whom were born or lived in Guysborough County. New Brunswick contributed 33 recruits, 11 of whom were part of a group of 20 black recruits rejected by the 64th Infantry Battalion in late 1915.

No. 2 Construction Battalion band & recruits, Windsor, ON

While the move to a more central location increased the provincial response, results from the remainder of the country were disappointing.  A total of 72 recruits from Ontario and six from Quebec enlisted for service, but appeals in Western Canada, where federal immigration policy blatantly discouraged African Canadian settlement, produced only 20 recruits.

By December 1916, total numbers stood at 575 all ranks, while a campaign launched in the United States during the winter of 1916-17 produced an additional 165 recruits. That same month, No. 2 Construction Battalion received word from military authorities in Ottawa that the unit was required overseas as soon as possible. Lt. Col. Sutherland replied that as full strength had not yet been reached, he wished to delay its departure for several months, hoping to increase the unit's numbers.

During the winter of 1916-17, Canadian government officials received an urgent request for steel rails required in France. In response, a party of 250 No. 2 Construction Battalion men were dispatched to load rails at Grand Trunk sidings in northern New Brunswick in early 1917. Completing the task in mid-winter conditions took a toll on the men's health. In fact, an outbreak of pneumonia among its soldiers claimed two lives.

Pte. Edwin Lionel Hay, a native of Port of Spain, Trinidad, was working as a mechanic in Sydney, NS, at the time of No. 2 Construction Battalion's formation, and enlisted with the unit at New Glasgow, NS, on July 25, 1916. Edwin came down with what first appeared to be a cold on January 29, 1917, but his condition quickly worsened. Admitted to St. Basile's Civic Hospital, Edmundston, NB, two days later, he passed away from pneumonia on February 12, 1917.

The second fatality was Pte. William John "Willy John" Jackson, a native of Antigonish, NS. Admitted to St. Basil’s Civic Hospital on the day prior to Pte. Hay's death, Willy John passed away from pneumonia on February 19, 1917. His remains were transported to Antigonish, where he was laid to rest in St. Ninian Parish Cemetery.

On March 17, 1917, No. 2 Construction Battalion officially mobilized at Truro with a complement of 19 officers and 605 other ranks (OR). Several days later, the battalion travelled to Halifax, where personnel boarded the SS Southland and departed for England on March 28. Upon landing at Liverpool, UK, on April 7, the men travelled to the CEF military camp at Bramshott. As it was significantly below full battalion strength of 1,049, No. 2 Construction was officially re-designated a Company shortly after its arrival, and attached to the Canadian Forestry Corps (CFC) for service in France.

No. 2 Construction Company—Service In France

On May 17, 1917, a total of 495 No. 2 Construction Company OR departed for France, accompanied by 11 officers. Upon crossing the English Channel, the men made their way to the Jura District of eastern France, near the Swiss border, where they were attached to No. 5 District, CFC. Its Headquarters' May 20th diary entry recorded the arrival of the Company, "composed of Canadian Negroes… despatched [sic] as a labour unit... and... employed on the various railway and other construction work."

CFC's Jura operations involved all aspects of forestry production. Teams of men worked in the forests year-round, selecting and harvesting mature timber that was transported by horse and wagon or narrow-gauge railway to CFC-operated mills. The men produced lumber for various purposes: ties for standard and narrow-gauge railways, pickets, beams and boards for military camp and trench construction. No. 2 Construction personnel worked in all aspects of the operation—assisting with mill operation, constructing a narrow-gauge railway to move logs to the mill yard, transporting logs to mills, milling timber, and loading finished products onto rail cars at a nearby siding.

No. 2 Construction personnel at work in France

While the majority of its personnel remained in the Jura District during No. 2 Construction's time in France, two smaller groups were dispatched to other locations for specific reasons. On November 12, 1917, one officer and 50 OR "proceeded to Cartigny as a detachment to assist No. 37 Company [CFC] in their work." The enlisted men had one thing in common—their service files record numerous minor disciplinary infractions.

CFC camps, like their civilian counterparts, were "rough and tumble" operations. The men worked a six-day schedule, with Sundays designated as a day of rest. Shifts were limited to a regular working day, leaving the men with free time in the evening hours. The proximity of French towns and villages, with their "estaminets"—small cafés that sold alcoholic beverages—offered a welcome diversion from a hard day's work, but often resulted  in mischief. In other instances, some of the men failed to adjust to the military's "discipline" expectations.

Disciplinary problems were not limited to No. 2's personnel. Every CFC unit's war diary is replete with references to disciplinary proceedings and courts martial addressing a wide variety of incidents, from violations of military rules and misbehaviour in camp to offences committed in nearby communities. In September 1917, CFC Headquarters decided to address the issue by sending the "repeat offenders" within No. 2 Construction's ranks closer to the front lines, where labour units were in demand. It was hoped that the change of scene would result in greater conformity to the military's expectations.

Upon arriving at Cartigny, the men were attached to No. 37 Company CFC and worked alongside its men in carrying out the operation's routine tasks—cutting and transporting logs, and repairing the roads used for transporting harvested timber to the mill, tasks virtually identical to their Jura routine.

When German forces launched a major offensive against Allied positions on March 21, 1918, No. 37 Company and its No. 2 Construction detail found themselves in a precarious situation. German artillery shells struck the area around the camp, forcing personnel to abandon the area. While lumber, machinery and the mill were left intact, important machinery parts were buried and stores removed.

Personnel marched out of camp at 5:00 pm March 23, with German forces less than two kilometres away, and made their way to a CFC camp at Wail, where work resumed the following day. No. 2 Construction personnel remained with No. 37 Company until early December, when they received orders to rejoin their comrades at Étaples, France, before proceeding to the United Kingdom.

A second group of No. 2 Construction men, consisting of 180 OR and two officers was assigned to Central Group CFC, No. 1 District, Alençon, on December 12, 1917, a move intended to address a different issue, at least in the minds the Jura District's medical officer and CFC Headquarters in France. 

A considerable number of No. 2 Construction's personnel were from the Caribbean Islands or parts of the southern United States. With a cold winter in the mountainous Jura region was fast approaching, the officer was concerned that men accustomed to a much warmer climate might develop health issues that would limit their ability to work and possibly require hospitalization, and notified CFC Headquarters of his concerns.

In response, CFC HQ agreed to re-assign these men to an area of France where winter conditions were much less harsh. The irony of this decision was that, by the time the selected personnel departed for Alencon, the rainy, damp November weather had given way to a cold, dry December, and the men exhibited no difficulty in adjusting to the changes. However, the decision had already been made and neither the medical officer nor CFC HQ wished to request a reversal, fearing embarrassment at their poor judgment.

Further insult occurred when the train assigned to transport the group to their new location. In the words of No. 2 Construction's war diary, "train accommodation [was] very poor, as all the men [were] placed in open box cars and exposed to cold weather. The reason given for moving these men away, viz. that the climatic conditions at La Joux are too severe for the coloured men[,] do not correspond with the train furnished."

The Alençon operation consisted of nine CFC companies logging the forests of Normandy. Upon arrival, No. 2 Construction personnel were attached to No. 54 Company, CFC. On March 25, 1918, the "entire district was put on production of pickets" for use at the front. Its operations involved several diverse groups. In addition to white CFC and black No. 2 Construction personnel, several parties of Russian reinforcements and German prisoners of war worked in its camps throughout the year.

In early April 1918, CFC Alençon personnel received orders to conduct infantry training when not working. The following month, specific orders required each Company to devote two half-days a week and three hours each Sunday morning to "Military Training.” Considering the discriminatory practices followed by most CEF infantry battalions, it is doubtful that this directive was applied to No. 2 Construction personnel.

Before the end of the year, a small number of CFC men were selected for service at the front. On October 4, 1918, as the Canadian Corps spearheaded the final weeks of a three-month offensive against German positions in northern France and Belgium, a draft of six non-commissioned officers (NCOs) and 150 OR left Alençon for the Canadian Corps Reinforcement Camp. Given the timing of their departure, these men likely saw service at the front before the war's conclusion.

The men of No. 2 Construction Company continued to work in the forests and lumber camps of Jura, Wail and Alencon throughout 1918. During the late summer and early autumn of 1918, CFC men across France were granted leaves in small numbers. In this instance, No. 2 Construction personnel, having worked “overseas” for 15 months, received the same privileges as their CFC comrades. Upon receiving news of the November 11, 1918 Armistice, No. 1 District CFC HQ's war diary reported that "a general holiday was to be observed throughout the District on November 12 for the purpose of celebrating the temporary cessation of hostilities.”

As fighting came to an end, production at CFC's various lumber camps ceased and personnel gradually returned to England. No. 2 Construction Company’s men were the first to depart, congregating at Étaples, France, in early December and crossing the English Channel to the United Kingdom in one group on December 14, 1918.

Throughout their time in uniform, No. 2 Construction's personnel experienced racist attitudes and discriminatory practices in a variety of ways. The most obvious example of discrimination was their exclusion from service with active combat units at the front. Racist attitudes were also common. Following its establishment, representatives of No. 1 Construction Battalion, an all-white labour unit, voiced their disapproval of the unit's name. When officials arranged for overseas transportation aboard SS Southland, combat units scheduled to sail aboard the same vessel protested No. 2 Construction's presence. In both case, Canadian military authorities ignored the objections.

Discriminatory practices continued during their overseas service. For example, while No. 2 Construction personnel at Jura, France, were permitted to participate in a July 1, 1918 "Dominion Day" sports competition, the men at Alençon were denied the same privilege. This inconsistency once again reflected the choices made by local OCs, practices that military authorities continued to ignore throughout the war.

Perhaps the most serious overseas incident is said to have occurred at Kinmel Park, Wales, UK, where No. 2 Construction's personnel were processed prior to their return to Canada. While undergoing the routine medical and dental examinations that were part of the discharge process, the men found themselves in a camp with personnel from numerous other units that were predominantly if not exclusively white. In such an environment, it is not surprising that friction eventually occurred.

Two No. 2 Construction veterans later recalled one particular incident. Private Benjamin Elms, a native of Monastery, Antigonish County, described a disturbance that broke out between No. 2 Construction personnel and a group of CEF infantrymen when "a white soldier made a racial remark." After No. 2 Construction's Sgt. Edward Sealy, a native of Barbados, ordered the man arrested, "his buddies came to release him and all hell broke loose."

Pte. Robert Shepard of Mulgrave, another No. 2 Construction veteran, had a slightly different recollection of the incident: "No. 2 was on parade under the direction of Sergeant Sealy. A sergeant-major from another unit ignored orders from Sergeant Sealy and interfered with the line of march. When he was arrested, some of his comrades attempted to remove him from the guard house. A riot broke out and a number of soldiers ended up in hospital."

Other reports present different accounts of the incident. One suggests that a white unit stepped in front of No. 2 Construction soldiers waiting their turn in the bath line. A second claims that white Canadian officers refused to return the salute of parading No. 2 Construction men during a regimental parade. Unfortunately, Sgt. Sealy's personnel file makes no reference to any incident.

Whatever may have transpired, the accounts may explain why military authorities seemed intent on quickly returning No. 2 Construction to Canada, in comparison to other CEF units. In general, the "rule of thumb" following the November 11, 1918 Armistice was to send the units that had served overseas for the longest period of time back to Canada first. That was not the case For No. 2 Construction's personnel, who left the continent one month after the Armistice, while other CFC units remained in France for weeks or months into the New Year.

Similarly, once the unit arrived in the United Kingdom in mid-December 1918, its soldiers were quickly processed and departed for Canada aboard the Empress of Britain on January 12, 1919. The vessel docked at Halifax 10 days later and the men disembarked, having spent almost 22 months overseas. Several more weeks of processing were required before No. 2 Construction’s personnel were formally discharged from military service in early February 1919.

Sources:

African Canadian Community - World War I. Windsor Mosaic. Available online.

Black Canadians in Uniform - A Proud Tradition. Veterans Affairs Canada. Available online.

Joost, Mathias. "No. 2 Construction Battalion: The Operational History." Canadian Military Journal, Col. 16, No. 3, Summer 2016. Available online.

List of Court-Martialed No. 2 Construction Battalion Servicemen Released. Boxscore News.  Available online.

No. 2 Construction Battalion. The Canadian Encyclopedia. Available online.

Regimental Record of Sgt. Edward Sealy, number 931011. Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 8751 - 48.  Available online.

Ruck, Calvin W.. The Black Battalion 1916 - 1920: Canada's Best Kept Military Secret.  Halifax, NS: Nimbus Publishing Ltd., 1987.

War Diary of Canadian Construction Company (Coloured), 1917/05/17 - 1918/10/31. RG9, Militia & Defence, Series III-D-3, Volume 5015, Reel T-10866-10867, File: 747. Available online at Library & Archives Canada.

War Diary of Canadian Forestry Corps - Headquarters - Central Group, 1916/11/30 - 1919/02/28. RG9, Militia & Defence, Series III-D-3, Volume 5016, Reel T-10867-10868, File: 751. Available online at Library & Archives Canada.

War Diary of Canadian Forestry Corps - Headquarters - Jura Group, 1917/11/26 - 1919/03/29.  RG9, Militia & Defence, Series III-D-3, Volume 5016, Reel T-10868, File: 751. Available online at Library & Archives Canada.

Corporal Frederick Milburne Rhodes—A Widower’s Story

Date of Birth: April 24, 1869*

Place of Birth: Port Burwell, Ontario*

Mother: Rachel Henney   

Father: Robert Rhodes

Occupation: Prospector, Farmer & Lumberman

Marital Status: Widowed

Enlistments: July 3, 1916 at Haileybury, ON; February 16, 1917 at Iroquois Falls, ON

Regimental #: 649480 (first attestation); 2250034 (second attestation)

Rank: Corporal

Force: Canadian Forestry Corps

Units: 159th Battalion (1st Algonquins); No. 105 Company, Canadian Forestry Corps

Service: England

Next of Kin: Madeleine Alberta Rhodes, New Liskeard, ON (daughter)

*: Date of birth based on 1881 and 1901 Canadian census records. Place of birth obtained from a document in Fred’s service file. The spelling of his middle name varies significantly from one source to another. For the purpose of this document. “Milburne” is used, as it is most frequently used. An apparent discrepancy between Fred’s marriage date and the birth of his eldest son could not be resolved.

*****

Frederick Milburne “Fred” Rhodes was born at Port Burwell, near Tillsonburg, Ontario, on April 14, 1869, the second of Robert and Rachel (Henney) Rhodes’ nine children. Robert, a native of Michigan, USA, and Rachel, an Ontario native, were married in Norfolk County, Ontario, on February 12, 1866. The couple resided in the Tillsonburg area until some time prior to the 1891 Canadian census, by which time the family had relocated to the Maclean Township district of Ontario.

Cpl. Frederick Milburne Rhodes

According to existing provincial records, Fred married Margaret McReynolds, daughter of Ronald and Elizabeth Ann (Reynolds) McReynolds, at McLean, Ontario, on September 19, 1892. The couple raised three children in their home—Middleton Milburne, born at Huntsville, ON, on January 8, 1888*; Robert Roland, born at Baysville, Muskoka, ON, on July 20, 1893; and Madeleine Alberta, born at Bethune, Muskoka, ON, on November 12, 1901.

The family was residing in Sinclair Township, Muskoka, Ontario, at the time of the 1901 Canadian census, but had relocated to Temiskaming, Ontario, by 1911. While census records list Fred’s occupation as farmer, his later military attestations listed previous employment as “prospector” and “lumberman,” suggesting that he supported his family by working at several occupations common to the area. Family sources indicate that Fred worked for a time in the hard rock mines, an environment that may have contributed to a significant hearing loss later noted in his military file.

Tragedy struck the Rhodes family on September 15, 1914, when 50-year-old Margaret passed away at Lady Minto Hospital, New Liskeard, ON, the result of complications from a stroke. Within months of her passing, the events of a distant war also began to impact the surviving family members. On November 12, 1914, Middleton enlisted for overseas service with the 20th Battalion at Toronto, ON. His military service was short-lived, as he was “struck off strength” one month later when he refused “to be inoculated.” Middleton returned home, married Fanny Harriet Evans at Timiskaming, ON, on April 24, 1915, and remained a civilian for the war’s duration.

Within days of Middleton’s discharge, his younger brother, Robert, attested with the 159th Battalion (1st Algonquins) at New Liskeard, ON. His younger son’s enlistment appears to have piqued Fred’s interest in “doing his bit.” On July 3, 1916, Fred joined Robert’s unit at Haileybury, Temiskaming Shores, ON. Based on the information on his attestation, Fred was no stranger to military routine. He claimed 12 years’ service with the 35th Regiment, Canadian militia, and was an active member of the 97th Regiment at the time of his first enlistment.

Left to Right: Robert, Madeleine & Fred Rhodes

To enhance his chances of overseas service, Fred misreported his birth year as 1872. In the end, age was not a determining factor in his eventual fate. Fred was discharged from the 159th’s ranks at Camp Borden, ON, on September 19, 1916, a note in his service file describing him as “medically unfit—Arterio Sclerosis.” Further details listed in his medical records describe a “[moderately] pronoted [sic] right foot,” and indicated that Fred’s “right leg [was] noticeably smaller than [the] left.”

While Robert departed for the United Kingdom with the 159th on October 31, 1916, Fred spent the winter months at New Liskeard. The arrival of the New Year presented a second opportunity for enlistment, when military authorities launched a nation-wide recruitment campaign for volunteers interested in overseas service with the Canadian Forestry Corps (CFC). Fred attested with CFC Reinforcements at Iroquois Falls, ON, on February 16, 1917, once again misreporting his age by three years. On this occasion, the only medical item recorded in his service file is a comment on the back of Fred’s attestation that reads, “Hearing defective.”

Fred left his young daughter Madeleine in the care of “friend” John Atwell Hough, Matheson, ON, whom he named as her guardian. He also listed Madeleine as his next of kin and the sole inheritor in his military will. On June 23, 1917, Fred sailed for the United Kingdom aboard SS Justicia and arrived overseas after a 13-day journey.  Initially assigned to No. 114 Company, CFC, at Eartham, Sussex, on August 22, 1917, Fred spent two months with the unit before a draft of its personnel waw transferred to the newly formed No. 105 Company, CFC, on October 22, 1917, the day of its official formation.

No. 105 Company’s personnel initially commenced operations alongside No. 114 Company personnel at Esher and Eartham, Sussex, but was transferred to the Stevenstone Estate, Torrington, North Devon, in late November 1917. The location was “very hilly,” but a small stream provided sufficient water supply. The nearest railway station was more than three miles distant, along a route passing through the town of Torrington. A lack of onsite facilities initially required No. 105’s personnel to be placed in billets around the town while a camp was constructed.

The available forest consisted mainly of Scotch pine, spruce and larch. The Company’s November 1917 diary described the resource as “very scattered and difficult to operate. The trees are small and straight[,] with limbs to the ground.” The fact that the wooded area was long and narrow meant that the furthest area was more than two miles from the Company’s proposed mill location.

On November 26, 1917, Fred was promoted to the rank of Acting Corporal with pay, an acknowledgment of his leadership, age and experience. Meanwhile, No. 105 Company’s progress during December 1917 was “only fair,” hampered by the limits of local geography, poor railway services, a small number of men and horses, and lack of mechanical transport. While camp construction proceeded and personnel managed to cut 1,400 logs, overall operations were hampered “owing to the small number of men available for this work.”

January 1918 brought “considerable rain, sleet, etc.,” further complicating operations. Lack of motor and steam transport, combined with poor ground conditions, “somewhat hampered” the movement of harvested logs to the mill site. “Fair progress” was made, owing largely to the arrival of reinforcements that raised the Company’s complement to three Officers and 182 “other ranks” (OR) by month’s end. While personnel remained in billets, considerable headway was made in clearing the camp site.

Harvesting, however, was “only fair as we have few men who are experienced in bush work.” Crews produced a total of 5,000 logs and 28,000 lineal feet of “pit wood” [roof props for mines], while work commenced on construction of a small gauge railway to haul logs from the wooded area to the mill. The line was blazed and marked, but no rails laid due to a lack of spikes.

The following month, an outbreak of measles in the town resulted in six men being placed in quarantine. Meanwhile, eight gangs commenced work in the forest operation, but three were later reassigned to camp construction. A total of 7,500 logs and 5,000 pieces of pit wood were harvested. Lack of road transport limited the hauling of logs to the mill site. A 500-yard stretch of of railway track was graded and laid, while the mill cut its first log on February 2 and commenced regular operations 10 days later. By month’s end, it was producing a daily average of 8,500 FBM [foot board measure] of lumber.

While shipping commenced on February 25, the lack of a proper road from the loading platform to the main road hindered operations. The arrival of two gasoline-powered tractors and four wagons dramatically improved the Company’s ability to move harvested logs to the mill and reduced its dependency on horse-drawn wagons.

On March 2, 1918, rank and file personnel moved into newly constructed huts at the camp site, while their Officers occupied their quarters one week later. Plank walkways connected sleeping quarters, kitchen and mess room buildings, allowing for easy movement around the muddy camp grounds. Meanwhile, bush operations produced 8,500 logs, 15,000 telephone poles, and 6,000 lineal feet of pit wood. A stockpile of 15,000 logs at the harvesting area awaited transport to the mill.

A lack of “fish plates” [a flat piece of metal used to join one rail to another] prevented further railway construction and forced the Company to rely entirely on its two tractors to move logs to the mill site. Meanwhile, mill production increased to an average of 16,000 FBM daily. Two Mack lorries made daily trips to the railway head with lumber shipments as road conditions improved significantly toward month’s end. The Company reported its first “casualties” since arriving in the Torrington area, both work-related incidents. One OR sustained injuries to his left hand serious enough to require amputation at the wrist, while a second OR lost three fingers on his left hand.

By the end of April 1918, the camp site had been considerable improved with the installation of surface water drains and liberal use of sawdust in damp areas. The light railway was still incomplete, but the required fish plates had arrived and completion was anticipated in the near future. A total of 10,000 logs were harvested, while 20,000 linear feet of pit wood was produced. A stockpile of 15,000 logs still remained at the harvesting area, but the imminent completion of the rail line would increase transport capacity to the mill site. Daily average production increased once more, reaching 18,000 FBM.

With the arrival of spring weather, the Company implemented measures for fire protection at the mill and various camp buildings. While harvesting and milling operations proceeded satisfactorily, lack of suitable load facilities and rail cars hampered the ability to export the mill’s output. A large garden planted earlier in the spring as a food source was beginning to show results, but the monthly report lamented that “the rabbits and pigeons are very destructive and devour mostly all of the green and soft plants.”

Throughout this time, Fred worked at No. 105 Company’s Torrington camp without incident. During the winter of 1917-18—possibly while billeted in the town—he made the acquaintance of a local woman and the couple planned to marry in early June 1918. Fred also found a few minutes to write a short note, dated May 1918, to two unidentified siblings in Canada:

“Dear Brother and Sister: I received your most welcome letter and am glad to tell you I am much better now. We are having much better weather, nice and warm now. I hope it will stay like it as I cannot stand the damp weather in this county. Glad to hear that Father is well, give my best love to him and hope to see him again soon. I do wish the war would soon end so that we can get home again by the time you receive this letter. I guess I shall be married again. I don’t think I have any more news to tell this time so will close with best love to all from your loving brother Fred.”

Tragically, neither Fred’s nuptial plans nor his homecoming came to fruition. On Friday, May 31, 1918, Fred was working in No. 105 Company’s mill yard at Torrington, North Devon. Around 1:20 pm, he commenced “an operation of splitting logs by planting powder,” a standard procedure for CFC personnel. A document in Fred’s service file, written by his OC, Captain Samuel Lester Willman, and dated June 1, 1918, described the process and subsequent events:

“Four two-inch holes were bored to the centre of a large log and these holes were filled to within 4 inches of the top with blasting powder. Bickford No. 11 Safety Fuse was inserted and holes were plugged by means of four 4 inch wooden plugs, fuses were cut at different lengths, so as to cause simultaneous explosion…. Corporal Rhodes… lit the short fuse first and although warned that he had committed an error, and told to run, he continued until all four fuses were lit. He then came back towards the first fuse, and when immediately opposite same and about five feet from the log, the explosion of the first charge took place. A large piece of the log, weighing 114 lbs. which was thrown by the force of the explosion, hit Corporal Rhodes on [the] right side of his head and right shoulder. He was killed instantly, the base of his skull being fractured[,] also his right arm. It is considered that the fuse inserted in the first charge was of sufficient length but must have been defective, otherwise the explosion would not have taken place for another 15 seconds.”

Captain Willman concluded with the following statement: “I personally supervised this operation and warned the deceased… to run as soon as I saw him light the short fuse.” Considering the medical notes in Fred’s service record, it is possible that his defective hearing meant that he did not hear the warning. Corporal Fred Rhodes was “buried with Military honours” in Great Torrington Cemetery, Devon, UK, on Sunday, June 2, 1918.

Cpl. Frederick Rhodes' headstone, Great Torrington Cemetery

Fred’s son, Robert, served overseas for the duration of the war. Several months after his arrival in the United Kingdom, he was transferred to the 4th Canadian Mounted Rifles (CMR) in mid-June 1917 and joined the unit in the field on September 30, 1917. Robert was wounded in the right shoulder at Passchendaele, Belgium, on October 28, 1917, and spent three months under medical care before rejoining 4th CMR’s ranks on February 8, 1918. He served at the front without incident for the remainder of the war and returned to Canada aboard SS Carmania in mid-March 1919.

On July 7, 1919, Robert married Annie Pearl Bilow, daughter of James and Ellen (Strader) Bilow, in a ceremony held at New Liskeard, Timiskaming, ON. Almost exactly one year later—July 22, 1920—Robert’s sister, Madeleine, married his wife’s brother, William Earl Bilow, at the same location. While William had served on the Western Front with the 15th Battalion (Canadian Scottish), his time in uniform was plagued by periods of poor health. On September 26, 1916, he was wounded by shrapnel from an exploding artillery shell during fighting at the Somme, France. Buried in the resulting debris, William survived the ordeal but suffered from “shell shock” after the experience and was eventually deemed “unfit for further services in France” in September 1918.

William returned to Canada in mid-April 1919. Sometime after his July 1920 marriage, he and Madeleine relocated to Port Alberni, British Columbia, where Madeleine passed away on July 30, 1931, at 29 years of age. Middleton Rhodes also made his way out west after the war, passing away at Surrey, BC, on April 24, 1962.

Special thanks to Don Rhodes, Liskeard, ON, who provided Rhodes family photos for this post. I am also indebted to Paul Martin, Torrington, UK, who first brought Fred's story to my attention and provided a photograph of Fred's headstone.

Private Herman Oswald Matheson—A Wounded Soldier’s Story

Date of Birth: December 18, 1892

Place of Birth: Low Point, Cape Breton, NS

Mother: Mary Simms

Father: Thomas Matheson

Occupation: Coal miner

Marital Status: Married

Enlistment: March 31, 1915 at Glace Bay, NS

Regimental #: 68308

Rank: Private

Force: Canadian Expeditionary Force (Infantry)

Units: 40th Battalion; 25th Battalion (Nova Scotia Rifles)

Service: England, France & Belgium

Next of Kin: Kate Matheson, No. 2 New Aberdeen, Glace Bay, NS (wife)

Herman Oswald Matheson was born at Low Point, near New Waterford, Cape Breton, on December 18, 1892, the second of Thomas and Mary (Simms) Matheson’s eight children. Over the ensuing years, his parents raised a family of five boys and three girls in their home. At the time of the 1901 Canadian census, the Mathesons were residing at Sydney Mines, Cape Breton, where Thomas worked as a miner.

Pte. Herman Oswald Matheson

Sometime before 1911, the family relocated to New Aberdeen, where that year’s Canadian census indicates that the couple’s two oldest children—John, age 19, and Herman, age 18—had commenced work in the mines. On January 6, 1912, the Province of Nova Scotia’s Department of Mines issued a Mining Certificate to Herman, stating that he had demonstrated “competency as [a] miner” and was entitled to “take charge of a working face.”

On March 31, 1913, Herman married Mary Katherine “Kate” (Shorten) Bryant in a ceremony that took place at New Aberdeen. It was Kate’s second marriage—her first husband, William Thomas Bryant, was shot and killed during an altercation between local miners and the “Company Store” in April 1911. Kate had two living children from her first marriage—a daughter Alice Ann, born at Pictou, NS, on January 25, 1905, and a son, Thomas Arthur, born at New Aberdeen on July 2, 1907. A third child, George William, died in September 1919 shortly after birth.

Kate’s mother, Alice Walsh, was born at West Roachvale, Guysborough County, the daughter of Edward and Catherine Walsh. Kate’s father, John Shorten, was born at London, England, on August 1, 1850, the son of John and Margaret Shorten, both of Irish descent. Two days after his eighteenth birthday—August 3, 1868—John Jr. enlisted with the Royal Artillery at Woolwich, UK. He served in England for four years before receiving a transfer to Halifax, where he met Alice. The couple married in the capital city on August 8, 1874, and their two oldest children—John and Alice—were born while John was serving there.

In 1880, John was assigned to duty in Bermuda. Alice and their young children accompanied him, and Kate was born during the family’s time there. The following year, the Shortens relocated to Gilbraltar, where Alice gave birth to a second son, Frederick. John served in England from 1886 to 1887 before returning to Halifax, where the couple’s fifth child, Edward, joined the family. After John was discharged from military service at Halifax on August 2, 1889—the “end of [his] second period of limited engagement”—the family settled at West Roachvale, Guysborough County, where John took up farming.

Following their marriage, Herman and Kate remained at New Aberdeen, where Herman continued to work in the local mines. The outbreak of the First World War, however, soon impacted their lives. On March 31, 1915, Herman enlisted with the 40th Battalion at Glace Bay, NS. Formally authorized on January 1, 1915, the 40th established detachments across the province, one of which set up operations at Glace Bay.

Shortly after his enlistment, Herman was transferred to the 25th Battalion (Nova Scotia Rifles) and made his way to Halifax, where the unit had established headquarters at the Armouries and was completing preparations for its departure. He left behind a young wife who was expecting the couple’s first child—Mary Catherine “Pearl” Matheson was born at Glace Bay on December 9, 1915, seven months after Herman’s departure for England.

Considering her childhood experience, Kate was familiar with the impact of military service on families. In this instance, however, there were significant differences. Unlike her mother Alice, Kate was unable to follow her husband overseas. In addition, her father John had served with the Royal Artillery during peacetime, while Herman was heading to war.

On May 20, 1915, Herman and his 25th Battalion comrades departed Halifax, NS, aboard SS Saxonia and arrived in the United Kingdom nine days later. The unit spent the summer training in England before crossing to France on September 15, 1915. One week later, its soldiers entered the Kemmel Sector of Belgium’s treacherous Ypres Salient.

Herman was one of three Matheson family members to enlist for overseas service. His older brother, John James (DOB July 12, 1891), joined the ranks of the 64th Battalion at Sydney, NS, on August 24, 1915, and departed for the United Kingdom in late March 1916. Following the 64th’s dissolution, John’s mining experience likely played a role in his transfer to the 2nd Tunnelling Company. He joined the unit in France in mid-June 1916 and served in the forward area for four months. A series of incidents during that time—a sprained ankle, influenza and a case of enteric fever—resulted in his return to England in mid-October 1916.

A medical examination in the spring of 1917 determined that John had “flat feet,” prompting authorities to declare him no longer fit for service at the front. He returned to Canada in November 1917 and spent a period of time in hospital at Sydney, NS, before being transferred to Halifax, NS, in February 1918. John was officially discharged from military service as “medically unfit” on August 5, 1918.

John relocated to Ontario sometime after returning home, and was plagued by poor health for the remainder of his life. Family members recall that he spent considerable time in various hospitals. Family members also believe that John suffered from “shell shock,” a common affliction among soldiers who had served at the front, particularly with tunnelling companies. He passed away at Westminster Hospital, London, ON, in 1962 and was laid to rest in St. John’s Cemetery, New Aberdeen, Cape Breton.

Herman’s younger brother, Thomas James (DOB February 25, 1895), enlisted with the 106th Battalion at Sydney, NS, on December 18, 1915, and departed for the United Kingdom with the unit in mid-July 1916. Following the 106th’s dissolution, Thomas was transferred to the 25th Battalion—Herman’s unit—on September 21, 1916, and joined its ranks in France on October 8, 1916, more than a year after his older brother had commenced service at the front.

Pte. Thomas James Matheson (106th Battalion portrait)

During that time, Herman was quickly introduced to the dangers of service in the forward area. Within days of the 25th’s September 1915 arrival in Belgium, a young soldier’s inexperience resulted in an incident that injured several of his comrades. During the early morning hours of October 4, 1915, Herman was standing outside his billet with a small group of men, awaiting orders to proceed to the trenches. Another soldier had found what he thought was a piece of a harvesting machine in a nearby field and was examining it nearby. Upon removing a pin from the object, he “saw the spring fly up and became frightened and then had thrown the [object] on the ground amidst a number of men.”

The object was actually a “Mills bomb,” the popular name for a British-manufactured hand grenade. It exploded shortly after landing on the ground, injuring Herman and several others. Herman was admitted to No. 11 Stationary Hospital, Rouen, France, for treatment. Documents in his service file provide a brief description of his injuries: “Was wounded in chest by payment of bomb.” After receiving treatment at the Rouen facility, Herman was transported to No. 14 General Hospital, Wimereux, France, two days later. On October 10, he was invalided to England and admitted to East Leeds War Hospital, Leeds, UK.

Two weeks later, Herman was transferred to the Canadian Convalescent Hospital, Monks, Horton, “for x-ray and treatment.” A report in his service file described the results: “Present condition two inch scar at junction of cartilage and sternum on left side at lower end of corpus sternum. No tenderness, sometimes slight pain. General condition OK.” Subsequent medical notes indicated the presence of a “small fragment of metal seen opposite [the] level of 10th dorsal vertebra in mid-line[,] apparently near abdominal surface.”

Herman’s injuries gradually healed and he was discharged from hospital as “fit for duty” on February 17, 1916. Assigned to the 17th Reserve Battalion, East Sandling, he returned to regular military routines. Before month’s end, however, he returned to the Canadian Convalescent Hospital, Epsom, for further rest and rehabilitation. During his time there, Herman attended a “Program of Entertainment to Wounded Sailors and Soldiers” hosted by “Their Majesties the King and Queen” at the Riding School, Buckingham Palace, on March 22.

In early April, Herman was discharged to the Canadian Casualty Assembly Centre (CCAC) and received 10 days’ leave upon reporting there. On May 1, 1916, Herman was re-assigned to the 25th Battalion and embarked for France. Three weeks later, he rejoined his comrades in the Ypres Salient. Herman served with the unit throughout the early summer of 1916 without incident, and traveled with its soldiers to the Somme region of France in late August. On September 15, 1916, Herman and his colleagues participated in the Canadian Corps’ capture of the village of Courcelette, its first combat engagement during two months’ service at the Somme.

While the unit suffered a total of 227 casualties and 77 missing among its ranks during three days in the line, Herman emerged from the battlefield unscathed and enjoyed several days’ rest before returning to the front trenches on the night of September 27/28. Three days into the tour, Herman was wounded for a second time when an enemy bullet “entered [his] left thigh upper and front aspect, passing out [of his] left buttock and inflicting [a] deep flesh wound on [his] right buttock.” Medical personnel dressed his wounds at a casualty clearing station and Herman was once again transported to No. 11 Stationary Hospital, Rouen, France.

On October 6, 1916, Herman was invalided to England aboard the hospital ship St. George. Two days later, his younger brother, Thomas James, joined the 25th’s ranks at Berteaucourt-les-Dames, northwest of Arras, France. Following his arrival in the United Kingdom, Herman was admitted to 2nd Scottish Hospital, Edinburgh, Scotland, where he remained for almost two months. In early December 1916, he was transferred to Kings Red Cross Hospital, Bushey Park, Hampton Hill, England.

By mid-month, medical records indicate that “very little disability” remained from Herman’s gunshot wound. While his “leg [was] a little stiff,” he was experiencing “no other trouble.” His progress was sufficient to warrant his discharge from hospital on January 11, 1917, at which time he was once again assigned to the Canadian Casualty Assembly Centre. Two months later, Herman was transferred to the Nova Scotia Regimental Depot, the first step in returning to the continent.

On June 8, 1917, Herman was assigned to the 26th Reserve Battalion, Hastings, where he spent the summer in training. In mid-October, he was transferred to the 17th Reserve Battalion, the unit tasked with providing reinforcements for the 25th and 85th Battalions, Nova Scotia’s two front-line infantry units. He spent the winter of 1917-18 with the 17th, awaiting orders to return to the continent. Finally, on May 10, 1918, Herman once again “proceeded overseas for service with [the] 25th Battalion.” He spent almost six weeks at the Canadian Base Depot and Canadian Corps Reinforcement Centre before rejoining his 25th comrades in the field on June 21, 1918.

Following Herman’s October 1916 evacuation to England, his younger brother Thomas served with the 25th throughout the winter of 1916-17, and was in the line as the battalion participated in the Canadian Corps’ April 9, 1917 capture of Vimy Ridge, France. During the day’s fighting, he received a shrapnel wound to his left calf and was invalided to England 10 days later. Thomas spent almost one year recovered from his wounds before returning to France on April 8, 1918. He rejoined the 25th’s ranks on May 18, one month before Herman’s return.

The Matheson brothers spent much of the next 10 weeks training with the 25th Battalion as the Canadian Corps prepared for its role in a major Allied offensive, scheduled for mid-summer. The 25th’s soldiers were in the line on the morning of August 8, 1918, when the Canadian Corps participated in the opening hours of the Battle of Amiens. The attack marked the commencement of the “100 Days” campaign that eventually resulted in the signing of the November 11, 1918 Armistice.

During the day’s advance, Herman received a shrapnel wound to his lower left thigh and was admitted to No. 1 Canadian Field Ambulance for treatment. Transferred to No. 47 Casualty Clearing Station before day’s end, he was evacuated by ambulance train to No. 3 General Hospital, Le Tréport, France, the following day.

On this occasion, Herman’s injuries proved to be much less severe than his previous wounds. Discharged after only eight days in hospital, he reported to the Canadian Base Depot on August 17. A mere 11 days later—August 28—he departed for the Canadian Corps Reinforcement Centre (CCRC), an indication of the urgent need for manpower at the front as the Allied offensive continued.

Meanwhile, Thomas came through the 25th’s Amiens combat tour without injury and travelled northward toward Lens with the battalion following its seven-day tour. On August 26, 1918, the 25th’s soldiers occupied support positions as Canadian Corps units launched an attack on the German line east of Arras, France. The following morning—August 27, 1918—the unit’s 5th Brigade comrades continued the advance at 10:00 am, the 25th once again following in support. As its soldiers advanced across the battlefield and into the newly captured German line, the unit suffered severe casualties, particularly among its “C” Company ranks.

Thomas was one of the soldiers lost at Arras that day: “While taking part in an attack from east of Wancourt to Chérisy, he was hit in the face and forehead by enemy bullets and killed.” Pte. Thomas James Matheson was laid to rest in Quebec British Cemetery, Chérisy, approximately eight miles south of Arras, France. Sadly, Herman was still at the CCRC at the time of his brother’s death. He rejoined the 25th’s ranks at Chérisy on September 5, 1918. As the unit spent the next week training in the area, he may have had an opportunity to visit Thomas’s grave before the unit moved out to training facilities near Cagnicourt at mid-month.

On September 19, the 25th returned to front-line duty near Inchy-en-Artois, sustaining daily casualties in skirmishes with German forces opposite its position throughout a seven-day tour. After a brief rest, the battalion followed in the wake of the Canadian Corps, which captured Canal du Nord on the outskirts of Cambrai in late September and proceeded to encircle the strategically important city.

The 25th returned to trenches in front of Sailly-lez-Cambrai, northwest of the city, on October 1. Throughout the ensuing week, German artillery regularly shelled its positions, inflicting daily casualties. Finally, in the early hours of October 9, the 25th participated in an attack on Canal de l’Escaut, during which “C” and “D” Companies successfully established bridgeheads on its eastern banks. The unit’s remaining two companies then passed through their comrades’ lines and secured the unit’s objective “in short time.”

A total of 15 “other ranks” were killed and 85 “other ranks” were wounded in the day’s advance. Herman was among the day’s casualties, struck in the left elbow, left hip and right leg by artillery shrapnel. Admitted to No. 9 Canadian Field Ambulance for treatment, he was transported by stretcher to No. 30 Casualty Clearing Station, where “damaged and infected tissue [was] excised” from his open wounds.

On October 11, Herman was evacuated by ambulance train to No. 56 General Hospital, Étaples, France. At the time of his admission, medical staff described a “lacerated wound [to his] left elbow…  [that] look[ed] well.” The following day, Herman was invalided to England for the third time and admitted to Northamptonshire War Hospital, Duston, Northampton.  At the time of his arrival, staff indicated that “movement of elbow [was] good, muscles cut and lacerated.”

Herman spent the next three months at the Northampton facility. Following his transfer to the Canadian Red Cross Special Hospital, Buxton, on January 11, 1919, staff records described a “healed wound on left forearm.” A subsequent x-ray displayed “no evidence of fracture or F. B. [foreign body] present.” A “fall on [a] sidewalk upon [his] left elbow” early the following month raised concern of a “bone injury,” but once again an x-ray revealed no fracture.

On March 19, Herman was transferred to No. 9 Canadian General Hospital, Kinmel Park. A detailed “Medical History of an Invalid” report, dated April 29, 1919, described a “Y-shaped scar… on [his] left forearm, anterior to elbow region. Movements of elbow and arm normal.” Herman’s forearm, however, was “below normal strength,” and he was “unable to take much of a strain on [his] elbow or forearm.” His left forearm’s “carrying and lifting powers” were “below normal,” and “after any strain or slight injury to [the] elbow region it becomes swollen.”

Herman was discharged to the Nova Scotia Regimental Depot, Witley, on May 15 and immediately received 10 days’ leave. He departed for Canada on July 2 and arrived at Halifax, NS, six days later. On July 17, 1919, he was formally discharged from military service as “medically unfit.” Herman’s discharge certificate clearly stated that he was “authorized to wear four wounded stripes,” an honour that distinguished him from the vast majority of his returning comrades. He later received the 1914-15 Star, British War and Victory medals, in recognition of his overseas service.

Herman returned to New Aberdeen, where he was reunited with his wife Kate and met his daughter, Mary Catherine “Pearl,” for the first time. A second daughter, Freda, joined the family on March 30, 1920. Unfortunately, Herman’s war injuries made it impossible for him to return to his previous work in the local coal mines. Throughout the following decade, the family remained at New Aberdeen, where Kate’s son by her first marriage, Thomas, passed away from pulmonary tuberculosis on August 24, 1929.

In October 1932, Kate and her two daughters relocated to West Roachvale, Guysborough County, and Herman joined them shortly afterward. Kate Matheson unexpectedly passed away at Roachvale, the result of “cardiac failure,” on April 22, 1936. Only 54 years of age at the time of her death, she was laid to rest in St. Ann’s Roman Catholic Cemetery, Guysborough.

Two months after her mother’s passing, Mary Catherine “Pearl” married John Maurice Long, a native of Rogerton, Guysborough County. The couple subsequently raised a family of 15 children at Roachvale. Pearl’s sister Freda married John McNeil at New Aberdeen, Cape Breton, on July 10, 1939. She remained there for the duration of her life, raising a family of six children.

Herman (left) in his later years with one of his grandsons

Throughout his later years, Herman resided in a small house near his daughter Pearl’s home. His many grandchildren—Pearl and John’s sons and daughters—frequently visited, keeping him company and assisting with various chores. They remember a kind and loving grandfather who always had white peppermint treats in his shirt pocket, and occasionally warned them not to venture too far into the nearby woods, because “bears lived in there.” Herman Matheson  passed away at St. Martha’s Hospital, Antigonish, NS, on June 28, 1972, and was laid to rest beside his wife Kate in St. Ann’s Roman Catholic Cemetery, Guysborough, NS.