Nova Scotia's Universities and the War Effort

Throughout World War I, many Canadian institutions and organizations made significant contributions to the war effort.  Nova Scotia's universities and colleges provide one such example.  Despite differences in size and focus, each devoted its skills and resources to meeting the demands of combat.

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Dalhousie University, the province's largest higher education facility, organized an Officers' Training Corps (OTC) in October 1914, attracting almost 200 enlistments from amongst alumni and Halifax businessmen.  Throughout the winter of 1914 - 15, the unit trained and attended lectures, many of its members receiving commissions and proceeding overseas for service with the Canadian Expeditionary Force over the following three years.

Perhaps Dalhousie's most significant contribution was the establishment of a 'stationary hospital'.  As the only Maritime university with a medical faculty, it was best positioned to provide such a resource.  As early as September 1914, the university offered to staff a casualty clearing station (CCS) for service at the front.  Officials repeated the offer the following spring, but the federal government did not consider such units a priority at the time.

Determined to make a medical contribution, Dalhousie's medical faculty suggested formation of a hospital unit for overseas service.  On September 27, 1915, the federal government officially approved the proposal and organizational work commenced.  Officially designated No 7. Stationary Hospital, the unit's purpose was to "provide a stage [of medical treatment] between the field hospital and those back in Britain and Canada".

A total of 162 personnel - including university medical professors, senior students and nurses - volunteered for service with the hospital unit.  Sixty-seven year old Dr. John Stewart, a prominent member of the medical faculty, was appointed commanding officer and personally led recruits on several route marches.  The old Medical College building at the corner of Robie and College Streets provided facilities for headquarters, barracks and an orderly room, while the neighbouring Maritime School of Business volunteered its dining room and kitchen facilities as a mess hall.

Dr. John Stewart (center) and officers, No. 7 Stationary Hospital (Dalhousie Unit).

Within days of its formation, 30 medical personnel and 80 nurses applied for the unit's 12 officer and 27 nursing sister positions.  Preference was given to individuals with connections to the university as well as nursing graduates from the province's two largest hospital-based nursing schools - Victoria General Hospital (Halifax) and St. Joseph's Hospital (Glace Bay) - as they were the only two institutions in the province with sufficient beds to meet military training requirements.

On December 31, 1915, the members of No. 7 Stationary Hospital entrained at Halifax and travelled to Saint John, NB, where they joined several military units on board HMS Metagama for the journey to England.  The vessel sailed at 9 pm New Years' Day 1916 and was escorted by naval convoy into port at Plymouth, England in the early hours of January 10.  At the time of arrival, No. 7 Stationary Hospital consisted of 15 officers and 26 nursing sisters in addition to 133 non-commissioned officers and 'other ranks'.  Male members travelled by train to the Canadian military base at Shorncliffe while nursing sisters were accommodated at London's Bonnington Hotel.

Personnel spent the following month training at various locations across southeastern England before assuming responsibility for the Shorncliffe Military Hospital and forty subsidiary hospitals in the Dover area on February 5, 1916.  Shorncliffe's 800-bed facility primarily served the medical needs of Canadian soldiers stationed at nearby bases as they completed training in preparation for service at the front. 

After spending four months operating the Shorncliffe facility, No. 7 Stationary Hospital crossed the English Channel on Sunday, June 18 and assumed responsibility for a 400-bed facility at Le Havre, France.  Personnel later established a second 400-bed hospital at nearby Harfleur.  The main hospital treated wounded German prisoners of war in addition to ill soldiers from Imperial units based at Le Havre, while the subsidiary hospital treated 'camp sick' and accidental injuries at a Canadian base and several nearby Imperial camps.

No. 7 Stationary Hospital personnel (location unknown).

At year's end, all unit personnel relocated to Harfleur, where they endured severe winter conditions throughout January and February 1917.  The most difficult challenge was the mud, which one officer described as "deep, tenacious and slippery".  The arrival of spring brought a move to St. Omer, where No. 7 Stationary established a hospital in a chateau at nearby Arques on May 14, 1917. 

Unit personnel now found themselves much closer to combat than their first assignment.  As the front trenches were only 50 kilometres away, the sound of artillery was a daily occurrence and the flash of guns was clearly visible on the eastern horizon at dawn and dusk.  The first patients - a group of wounded German POWs - arrived on June 8, followed by wounded Allied soldiers who were transported to the facility by ambulance, hospital train, and even by barge along a nearby canal.

The arrival of summer provided a rare opportunity for recreation as the unit hosted a large athletic meet in honour of Dominion Day on July 1, 1917.  The highlight of the event was a surprise visit by HRH King George V and his son Edward, Prince of Wales.  Festivities were short-lived, however, as personnel returned to the business of treating wounded soldiers.  Operating so close to front lines was much more hazardous than the Le Havre assignment.  On September 30, German planes dropped bombs on several hospitals in the St. Omer area, but the Dalhousie unit fortunately was not targeted and sustained no injuries.

No. 7 Stationary Hospital remained in the St. Omer area until early 1918, when the massive German 'spring offensive' resulted in unprecedented numbers of casualties.  At one point, almost 800 patients crowded into the 400-bed Arques facility.  As German units advanced closer to St. Omer and artillery shells targeted the area, the unit relocated to Etaples on April 18, 1918, its personnel dispersed to several medical facilities.

Nursing Sisters, No. 7 Stationary Hospital.

One month later - on the night of May 18 - 60 German planes launched a major bombing raid on Etaples, inflicting numerous casualties amongst the various medical units stationed there.  Two members of the Dalhousie unit were killed and an additional two wounded in the raid.  As a result, Stationary Hospital No. 7 relocated to Rouen, where its personnel were once again dispersed amongst existing British hospitals. 

In September 1918, No. 7 Stationary personnel reassembled and moved to Camiers, where they assumed operation of a 1000-bed hospital.  The unit remained in this location for the next five months, treating Canadian wounded during the final days of fighting.  It was here that members received news of the November 11, 1918 armistice.  Three months later, the Dalhousie unit handed responsibility for the Camiers hospital to No. 9 Stationary Hospital (St. Francis Xavier Unit) and proceeded to Le Havre to await passage to England.

Personnel sailed from Le Havre on March 17, 1919 for Southampton, where they remained for one month before departing for Canada.  On April 23, No. 7 Stationary Hospital landed in Halifax and its members were discharged from military service.  Altogether, the Dalhousie hospital unit treated an estimated 60,000 sick and wounded patients during the war - 50,000 in France and 10,000 in England.  It sustained 12 fatalities during its service overseas, while an additional nine members were wounded, several on more than one occasion.

In addition to the medical unit, a total of 585 Dalhousie students and faculty enlisted for overseas service with various military units.  There were 67 known fatalities amongst enlistments, while 44 received decorations for distinguished service.  The number is impressive, considering the fact that total male enrolment at the University in September 1914 was only 308, one-third of whom enlisted for military service by the end of the school year.

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War Memorial Gymnasium, Acadia University.

While Acadia University students and faculty did not recruit a specific unit, an estimated 600 to 700 men and women affiliated with the college enlisted for overseas service during the war.  Sixty students joined the Nova Scotia Highland Brigade, primarily the 219th Battalion.  Ten Acadia students joined the 4th Universities Company Reinforcements of the Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI).  Altogether, 63 individuals connected to the university - 62 men and one woman - lost their lives while serving overseas.  Approximately 80 individuals received military honours, including the only Victoria Cross awarded to a 'college man' from the Maritime Provinces - Acadia alumnus Sgt. (later Brigadier) Milton Fowler Gregg of Mountain Dale, Kings County, New Brunswick.

After the war, Acadia was the only Maritime university to offer one year's free tuition to returning servicemen.  In honour of those who lost their lives in service of their country, the university undertook construction of a new athletic facility to replace a structure destroyed in a 1914 fire.  General Sir Arthur W. Currie, former commander of the Canadian Corps, laid the cornerstone of the new War Memorial Gymnasium on May 26, 1920.

Cornerstone, War Memorial Gymnasium, Acadia University.

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Nova Scotia's oldest higher educational facilities, King's College and King's College School, Windsor made notable contributions to the war effort.  More than 400 individuals connected to the schools enlisted for overseas service.  Twelve 'King's men' held commissions with the Imperial Army and Canadian forces, including seven Generals.  Fourteen volunteers sailed with the First Canadian Contingent in October 1914, four of whom were subsequently killed in action. 

The Second Canadian Contingent included 35 King's students and graduates.  Of particular interest were nine students who volunteered for service with the Cycle Corps and a group of twenty who enlisted in the 193rd Battalion, a number that represented about half of the students in residence at King's College at that time.

In total, 67 King's students enlisted during the war years, 10 of whom died while serving overseas.  Twenty-three individuals connected to the schools - students, faculty and graduates - lost their lives in service of their country during the war.

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Rev. Clarence MacKinnon, Military Chaplain & later Principal of Pine Hill College, Halifax.

Despite its small size and theological orientation, Pine Hill Presbyterian College, Halifax made significant contributions to the war effort.  Several of its students joined Dalhousie's OTC and a Cycle Corps unit formed by the larger school.  Fifteen students enlisted with the Ambulance Corps, many transferring to fighting units as the war progressed.

During 1915, the first full year of the war, eight Pine Hill students enlisted with the 6th Canadian Mounted Rifles, four joined Dalhousie's No. 7 Overseas Hospital unit, five volunteered for service with Nova Scotia's Highland Brigade and an additional five became members of artillery units raised in Halifax.  By the fall of 1916, the majority of the small school's students had enlisted, most serving overseas.

Altogether, 48 Pine Hill students and faculty enlisted in some capacity during the war, including Principal and Professor H. A. Kent, who joined the Chaplain Service.  Two Military Crosses and one Military Medal were bestowed on soldiers connected to the school, while seven individuals lost their lives in service.  All but seven of the surviving students returned to their ministry studies at the conclusion of the war.

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Similar to its Halifax counterpart, the major contribution to the war effort provided by St. Francis Xavier University, Antigonish was the formation of No, 9 Stationary Hospital.  Organized in November 1915, the unit served in England and France, returning home to Canada in July 1919. [Details on its service record will be provided in this month's veteran profile.]

Memorial Rink, St. Francis Xavier University.

In total, more than 350 Xaverians enlisted in the Canadian Expeditionary Force, 33 of whom were killed or died while serving overseas.  Twenty-eight individuals connected to the university received military honours, including four Distinguished Service Orders, eleven Military Crosses, five Military Medals and three Distinguished Conduct Medals.

Three professors saw active service with Canadian, Imperial and American forces.  Two were severely wounded, while the third was awarded the Military Cross for bravery.  At home, university faculty were actively involved in organizing support for the war effort through the Patriotic Fund, Victory Loan Campaign, and Knights of Columbus, who provided service to soldiers at the front.  In February 1922, the university opened its first indoor ice surface - Memorial Arena - in honour of alumni who lost their lives in service of their country.

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Sources:

Hunt. M. S..  Nova Scotia's Part in the Great War - 1920.  Archive CD Books Canada, Manotick, Ont.: 2007.

Memorial Rink, St. Francis Xavier University.  Military Memorials.  National Defence and the Canadian Forces.  National Defence Canada website.


Profile: The First President of Conference.  Maritime Conference, United Church of Canada.  Available online.

World War I.  History of Medicine at Dalhousie University.  Dalhousie University Archives and Special Collections - Digital Collections.  Available online.

Pte. John Alvin 'Jack' Crittenden: A 'Gassed' Soldier's Story

Date of Birth: February 18, 1894

Place of Birth: Port Mulgrave, NS

Mother's Name: Mary Carter

Father's Name: Hiram Bruce Crittenden

Date of Enlistment: October 22, 1915 at Halifax, NS

Regimental Number: 222850

Rank: Private

Force: Canadian Expeditionary Force - Infantry

Units: 85th Battalion (Nova Scotia Highlanders); 17th Reserve Battalion

Location of service: Canada, England, France & Belgium

Occupation at Enlistment: Machinist

Marital Status at Enlistment: Single

Next of Kin: Mrs. Mary Crittenden

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Pte. John Alvin 'Jack' Crittenden, 85th Battalion.

John Alvin 'Jack' Crittenden was born on February 18, 1894, the second son in a family of five boys and two girls raised by Hiram and Mary (Carter) Crittenden in their Port Mulgrave home.  Sometime after 1911, Jack relocated to Pictou County, where he worked as a machinist at Nova Scotia Steel & Coal, Trenton.  His civilian career was put on hold when Jack responded to the first province-wide recruitment campaign soliciting volunteers for the Canadian Expeditionary Force.  On October 22, 1915, he enlisted for overseas service with the 85th Battalion at Halifax.

Jack spent the next twelve months in training, initially at the Halifax Armories and later at Camp Aldershot, NS.  On October 16, 1916, the 85th boarded the SS Olympic at Halifax, along with the 185th, 193rd and 219th Battalions, for its trans-Atlantic voyage.   The four units were part of a 'Highland Brigade' recruited across the province.  As events unfolded in Europe, only the 85th would see combat in France and Belgium as a distinct fighting unit.

Arriving in Liverpool, England on October 19, Jack made his way to Witley Camp, South Surrey, England, where the members of the Highland Brigade resumed training.  By year's end, only two of its battalions - the 185th (Cape Breton Highlanders) and 85th - remained intact as the 193rd and 219th were disbanded and their members re-assigned to other battalions.

On the morning of February 10, 1917, the long awaited 'call to arms' finally came.  Jack boarded the SS London at Folkestone, England for the short voyage across the English Channel to Boulogne, France.  Arriving at mid-day, the soldiers marched to St. Martin's Rest Camp, where they were issued combat equipment.  Three days later, the men travelled by train to Houdain and then marched to billets at Gouy-Servins, near Lens, France.  On February 17th, the 85th's officers begin preliminary 'tours' of the front lines.  In the meantime, the men completed training in musketry, signalling, Lewis Gun, rifle grenade and trench mortar operation, and the use of box respirators ('Gas School'), in addition to providing working parties for the 176th Tunnelling Company.

Jack (back row, 3rd from left) and comrades, December 1915.

By early March, small groups of officers and enlisted men began short tours of the front line with other battalions.  It was not long before the 85th's war diary recorded its first casualty - Pte. L. R. Young, # 283336, was killed near 'Hospital Corner', an officer and two 'other ranks' (OR) wounded by artillery fire on March 4.  Three days later, the battalion relocated to Bouvigny, where front line tours continued, as did the casualties.  On March 8, the war diary reported four fatalities and three wounded during the day's events.

Sir Robert Borden, Canadian Prime Minister and Member of Parliament for Halifax, reviewed Companies 'A' and 'B' along with the 85th's stretcher-bearers on March ??, near Vimy.  Meanwhile, front line tours continued throughout the month.  The war diary recorded the battalion's first 'casualty in action' on March 16, when Pte. W. I. Leslie, # 222998, was killed "while on sentry duty in front line trenches with [the] 46th Battalion".  On the evening of March 22, the battalion rehearsed 'relief' procedures, replacing the 9th Royal Sussex 'in the line' at Lorette Spur for four hours before being relieved by the 2nd Leinsters at midnight.

As April arrived, Jack and the men of the 85th were no doubt eager to experience combat.  That opportunity would occur during Canada's most famous military engagement of the war.  As part of preparations for the scheduled attack on Vimy Ridge, the battalion was assigned a 'support' role that included: constructing ammunition dumps, trenches and dugouts; carrying wire, ammunition and supplies to the front lines; escorting and guarding anticipated prisoners of war.  On the night of April 8, 1917, the 85th relocated to its assigned 'jumping-off point' on "Music Hall Line" at midnight.  The men had an uncomfortable night as there was "very limited dugout accommodation.  Men [were] crowded in [a] trench, [and] secured very little rest."

Canadian soldiers advance through No Man's Land (April 1917).

As the historic battle unfolded on April 9, the 85th carried out its assigned support duties.  When the advance was held up by stiff German fire on its Brigade's left front, two of its companies - 'C' and 'D' - moved into front line positions at 4:30 pm as part of action designed to capture the resisting enemy position.  The advance commenced without artillery support at 6:45 pm.  The battalion's war diary describes its first combat experience in these words:

"In spite of machine gun and rifle fire from the enemy, which immediately opened, the attack was pressed home, the Companies providing their own covering fire by Lewis Guns firing from the hip and riflemen firing on the move.  Many of the Germans finding themselves unable to stop the advance turned and ran but were soon put out of action by our fire.  About 20 prisoners, including 3 officers were taken.  Two… officers and about 70 other ranks were killed.  At least 3 machine guns were captured."

The 85th had successfully completed its first combat assignment, capturing its objective within ten minutes.  The ordeal was far from over, however, as it "snowed in [the] evening[,] turning very cold.  Men in the open holding shell holes".  The following day, 'A' and 'B' Companies took up positions along the newly captured line under the command of the 47th Battalion.  The hardships continued as it "snowed in afternoon, making conditions very bad for men who had no shelter except shell holes."  Such was Jack's introduction to combat.

Map displaying 85th's front line positions, May 1917.

The following day, 'A' and 'B' Companies were transferred back to 85th command as the battalion assumed complete responsibility for its section of the line.  The situation was quiet for the next few days as the Canadian units consolidated their new positions.  During the night of April 14/15, the 85th was relieved in the line and moved into billets at Bouvigny.  The war diary reported that 6 officers were wounded, 47 OR killed, 116 OR wounded and 3 OR missing as a result of its first combat assignment.

Jack and the 85th spent several days resting and cleaning up before providing working parties for road repair.  The unit experienced "some hostile shelling, principally shrapnel bursting high and behind [its] camp", but reported no casualties.  On April 24, the men moved back into front line positions along the Lens-Vimy Railway in support of an attack by 5th Division (Imperial) infantry.  Working parties constructed new front line and communication trenches before being relieved the 72nd and 785th Canadian Infantry Battalions in the early hours April 29 and moving into brigade support at Givenchy.  The battalion provided working parties for the front lines at night, but no training was possible as their position was "under direct [German] observation so that there can be no movement by daylight".

On May 2, Jack returned to the front lines as the 85th relieved the 78th Battalion for four days before retiring to Brigade Reserve positions on the western slope of Vimy Ridge.  The war diary reported light casualties - 2 officers and 20 OR wounded - during this assignment.  Jack spent the remainder of May and early June in rotation in the Vimy area, serving seven or eight days 'in the line' before retiring to support positions in a rotation interspersed with several days' rest and training in reserve.

85th Battalion Pipe Band on parade (date unknown).

The 85th participated in a series of attacks on German positions at 'Canada Trench' and 'Ontario Trench', near the Lens-Arras Road, from June 25 to July 1.  The battalion sustained significant casualties during the fighting, the war diary reporting 24 OR killed, 8 officers and 118 OR wounded, and 9 OR missing as Canadian troops advanced one mile into German-held territory.  The battalion was relieved by Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry on the night of July 1/2 as the 4th Canadian Division moved into "Corps Reserve for training and rest from duties in the line".  The men were billeted at Suburban Camp, Villers au Bois for three weeks, following a daily schedule of 6 hours' training and lectures, combined with rest and cleanup.

On July 25, Jack and the 85th relocated to the Zouave Valley, relieving the 50th Canadian Battalion in the line at 2:20 am July 26 before moving into brigade support the following day.  Jack spent the month of August in the valley while the battalion logged 39 days of front line service before retiring to reserve positions on September 2.  During its longest 'tour' since landing in France, the battalion's casualties were light - three officers wounded, 8 OR killed, 36 OR wounded (four 'accidental'), 7 OR gassed, 14 OR wounded but remaining at duty.

Following a week of rest, cleanup and training, Jack was back in the line on September 11 near Avion.  The 85th served in rotation for the remainder of the month before moving into division reserve at Tottenham Camp in the Zouave Valley, where the men commenced training for their second major assignment.  On October 5, Jack was on the move to a new and treacherous location as the battalion relocated to Staple, France in preparation for a scheduled Canadian attack at Passchendaele, Belgium.  For two and a half weeks, the men rehearsed the battle plan on a simulated battlefield marked with tape, a technique previously used successfully in preparations for Vimy Ridge.

On October 23, Jack and the 85th moved by bus from Staple to Brandhoek, Belgium and then marched to nearby St. Lawrence Camp, located between Poperinge and Ypres.  Later that same day, battalion officers visited the front lines to view the battlefield.  Five days later, the men relocated to Potijze, where they completed preparations for battle and moved into front line positions.  The following day, officers observed considerable manpower in the line opposite their position and requested an artillery barrage on enemy trenches prior to the scheduled infantry attack.  The officers laid out tapes in the trenches, marking the 'jumping off' points for the next day's attack.  That evening, Jack and his comrades received hot tea and rations as they rested in preparation for battle.   At 4:30 am October 30, the men assumed their assigned positions one hour before the attack was scheduled to commence.

Map of 85th's positions at Passchendaele, October 30, 1917.

At 'zero hour', the brigade's machine guns opened fire as the men advanced.  The battalion war diary reported that "they were met by heavy machine-gun and rifle fire… all the way along our front."  Nine officers were killed or wounded in the attack's opening minutes.  The requested artillery barrage in support of the advance was described as "light" as "very little if any of it fell on our side or on the enemy's trench".  'A', 'B' and 'C' Companies advanced nonetheless, "providing their own covering fire with rifle-grenades, Lewis Guns and rifle fire until they had passed our old front line.  Then, in No Man's Land, a fierce fire fight took place…. Anyone who attempted to walk upright instantly became a casualty." 

The fighting continued for 10 to 30 minutes before 'D' Company advanced in support of the attack, enemy resistance breaking upon its arrival.  "The whole line swarmed across the hostile front line and pushed onto the final objective. sniping the fleeing enemy and dealing with those who remained in shell-holes behind his original front line."  The battalion reached its objective by 6:38 am, one officer reporting: "Casualties are very heavy".  Enemy forces appeared to be regrouping for a counter-attack later in the day but it never materialized.

Jack had survived the worst of the fighting, but the battle was not over.  After a lull during daylight hours, the war diary reported: "Just at dusk on the night of the 31st a very heavy barrage of H. E., shrapnel and gas shells was placed on on our front line and in the back areas about Battalion Headquarters.  Our artillery replied in a very effective manner and no counter-attack developed."  The war diary dispassionately recorded the results of two days' combat: 12 officers killed, 8 wounded, and 3 wounded but still at duty; 371 OR killed or wounded.  Total battalion strength prior to battle was 26 officers and 662 OR.  As a result of its Passchendaele action, the 85th recorded a shocking casualty rate of 57 %.  The war diary nevertheless reported that "the fighting spirit of the 85th was never better than on the day of relief" as the 102nd Battalion replaced it in the line on the night of October 31/November 1.

Jack was amongst the fortunate survivors, moving to Burns Camp, Potizje where the battalion spent the next few days resting and cleaning up.  On November 3, the 85th crossed the Belgian border to the Borre area, near Hazebrouk, France, where the men were billeted in "excellent qualities all round".  Two days later, however, Jack's tour of duty at the front came to an end when he reported to Casualty Clearing Station 37 for treatment of injuries sustained during the fighting at Passchendaele.

Westcliffe Canadian Eye & Ear Hospital, Folkestone, England (1916).

On October 31, Jack was amongst the soldiers exposed to poison gas.  He was also struck by a small metal fragment that penetrated the cornea of his left eye.  Despite these injuries, he remained on duty until their effects required medical intervention.  On November 6, Jack was transferred to # 57 General Hospital, Wimereux France, where the metal fragment was removed.  The following day, he was evacuated to # 54 General Hospital, London for further treatment.  Exposure to poison gas had resulted in loss of voice in addition to pains in his chest and stomach.  A medical note written on November 19 summarized his condition in these words: "Voice slightly improved, eye very much better, slight pain in chest".  One week later, his "voice [has] not completely returned" as Jack was "transferred to Westcliffe Canadian Eye & Ear Hospital, Folkestone", where he was treated for "laryngitis - gas" in addition to "intermittent discharge" from both ears.

Jack spent the winter of 1917-18 convalescing at Westcliffe.  A medical entry noted that he was "gassed last October" and suffering from "aphonia" [inability to speak] since.  Larynx reddened, membrane swollen, vocal cords do not approximate."  On March 20, 1918, Jack was discharged from hospital and posted to the 17th Reserve Battalion, Bramshott, England on April 1.  Any hope Jack may have had of returning to action came to an end when he was "struck off strength" on April 17 as a result of continuing problems with his larynx.  He was posted to the Canadian Discharge Depot at Buxton on August 6, 1918 "pending embarkation to Canada".   

Two months later, Jack was back in Halifax, where he was admitted to hospital for medical assessment.  A detailed report dated November 4, 1918 identified a "bullet mark on [his] right forearm", apparently a slight wound for which he received no recorded treatment.  Its main focus, however, was the condition of his voice.  The report noted that he continued to suffer from laryngitis and was "unable to speak above a whisper.  [Patient] says in dry weather he can do much better, and the condition is improving.  He is easily fatigued, says he feels very tired after walking two miles…[,] has shortness of breath and palpitation after exertion".

Jack & Mildred Crittenden's CNR pass.

The report noted that hoarseness "is gradually improving", but concluded that the duration of the disability was likely "permanent".  As a result, it recommended that Jack be placed in "Category E" - 'medically unfit for service'.  A consultant's report dated November 6 noted that Jack's epiglottis was swollen and his vocal cords did not meet "owing to infiltration…. This was caused by gas on service and has been aggravated by climate.  In as much as exposure and use of voice is very injurious to this condition", the consultant concurred with the previous report, recommending discharge from military service.

Two days later, the medical board examining Jack's condition accepted these recommendations.  On November 30, 1918, Pte. John Alvin Crittenden was officially discharged as "medically unfit for further service".  In addition to the British War Medal and Victory Medals acknowledging his overseas service, Jack was awarded one gold bar in recognition of wounds sustained in the field.

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It did not take long for Jack to settle into civilian life.  On February 20, 1919, he married Mildred Lavine Gould, a native of Jeddore, Halifax County.  The couple had met in Halifax prior to Jack's departure for overseas service and corresponded throughout hiss time in Europe.  He and his bride returned to Mulgrave, where Jack found employment with the Canadian National Railways as a marine engineer.  He spent the majority of his career serving as mate and captain on the CNR's Scotia ferry, carrying railway and passenger cars from Mulgrave to Port Hastings.

Ralston Stirling (leftt) and Jack Crittenden (date unknown).

Jack and Mildred raised two children in their Mulgrave home - daughter Myrtle Ona and son Ralston Stirling, who later served during World War II.  A living descendant, Jack's grand-daughter Joyce, does not recall any lingering effects to either voice or lungs from exposure to poison gas.  She does remember, however, that Jack always kept the radio volume low and did not allow the purchase of firecrackers at Halloween, actions attributed to the lingering effects of "shell shock".

Jack retired from his position with CNR in 1955.  By this time, he had been diagnosed with coronary artery disease, a condition that led to his sudden and untimely death two years later.  On August 27, 1957, Jack and his grand-daughter travelled by train to New Glasgow, where Joyce had a dental appointment.  Returning to the train station, Jack made sure that Joyce was comfortably settled in the coach car before leaving to supervise the loading of lumber purchased during their visit.  Jack suffered a heart attack in the boxcar and could not be revived.  He was laid to rest in St. Andrew's Anglican Cemetery, Church St., Mulgrave on August 31, 1957.

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Sources:

Regimental Record of Pte. John Alvin Crittenden, No. 222850.  Library and Archives Canada: RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 2144 - 36.  Attestation papers available online.

War Diaries of the 85th Battalion, Nova Scotia Highlanders.  Library and Archives Canada: RG9 , Militia and Defence , Series III-D-3 , Volume 4944 , Reel T-10751-10752, File : 454.  Available online.

Special thanks to Jack's grand-daughter, Joyce Malcolm of Port Hawkesbury, who provided the family photographs included in this post.

Poison Gas

Perhaps the most controversial military development during the First World War was the use of poison gas.  While no formal restrictions on its use existed prior to 1914, contemporaries widely considered such action morally unacceptable.  As the stalemate of trench warfare emerged along the Western Front, however, both sides searched for a weapon or tactic that could produce a 'breakthrough'.  In this situation, it is not surprising that combatants contemplated its use.

During the war's early months, both sides employed non-lethal gas in an attempt to gain a military advantage on the battlefield.  As early as August 1914, French troops used a form of tear gas against advancing German soldiers, hoping that the eye irritant would impair their fighting abilities.  German forces responded with a similar attack on British troops at Neuve Chapelle on October 1914.  In both instances, the gas proved largely ineffective.

As the year came to an end, Germany found itself in the predicament it had hoped to avoid - simultaneously fighting a war against French and British forces on the Western Front and Russian forces on the Eastern Front.  With its human and industrial resources stretched to the breaking point, German military commanders desperately sought a means to a quick victory on either front.  Thus, they advocated the use of poison gas, despite its moral implications.

The war's first large-scale gas attack occurred along the Eastern Front on January 31, 1915, when German forces fired 18,000 artillery shells filled with tear gas on Russian soldiers near Warsaw.  Cold temperatures caused the gas to freeze, rendering it largely ineffective.  Nevertheless, the scale of the attack set a precedent and suggested a significant change in strategy.

Poison gas attack on the Western Front.

This new direction was confirmed three months later at a strategic location on the Western Front.  The Ypres Salient extended more than eight kilometres into German front lines, containing sixteen kilometres of trench defended by French colonial, British and Canadian soldiers.  A German breakthrough at Ypres might end the impasse and lead to a decisive victory.  In retrospect, it is not surprising that poison gas made its debut at such a time and place.

On April 22, 1915, German artillery launched a morning barrage near Ypres.  By mid-day, the guns fell silent only to resume firing in late afternoon. A gentle breeze blew across "No Man's Land" toward an Allied section manned by French Algerian and Mauritanian troops.  Almost 6000 pressurized cylinders containing 168 tons of chorine gas lay along the parapet of the German trenches from Langemark to Poelkapelle, north of Ypres.  At 1730 hours, German soldiers opened the valves, releasing the gas into the air.

When Algerian sentries observed a yellow-green cloud drifting across "No Man's Land" toward their position, they initially thought it was a smoke screen for an infantry attack and roused their comrades to man the line.  As the gas floated into their trenches and men began coughing and gagging, those not affected dropped their weapons and fled in terror, creating a seven-kilometer gap in the Allied line.

Had the German infantry reacted quickly, the final outcome may have been different.  However, caught off-guard by the sudden withdrawal and fearful of the presence of poison gas on the battlefield, they advanced cautiously across No Man's Land.  Their hesitation allowed British and Canadian troops to counterattack and close the gap through the night.  However, the precedence was set - poison gas had been used in combat.  By war's end, it had become a major component of weapon supplies on both sides.

Soldiers wearing primitive gas masks.

German forces released chlorine gas on three more occasions during the Second Battle of Ypres - against soldiers of the 1st Canadian Division on April 24, and British troops on May 2 and 5, 1915.  It was also used against Russian troops near Warsaw on August 6, 1915, inflicting 9000 casualties and more than 1000 deaths. 

Chlorine gas was a by-product of dye manufacturing and Germany therefore had access to sizeable quantities.  The gas irritates the eyes, nose, throat and lungs upon contact.  High concentrations and prolonged exposure result in death by asphyxiation.  However, the coughing induced by contact reduces the amount of gas ingested.  In addition, chlorine is most effective at ground level, where it is most concentrated.  Soldiers in a standing position or on higher ground were less affected than individuals in a prone position, such as wounded or sleeping soldiers.

Several factors reduce chlorine's effectiveness as a weapon.  Its yellow-green color makes it easy to detect.  As the gas is water soluble, covering the mouth and nose with a damp cloth reduces its impact.  Soldiers at Ypres quickly discovered that a urine-soaked rag was particularly effective, as the chlorine reacted with urea and lost much of its effectiveness.

In addition, after its initial use, the element of surprise was lost as Allied commanders prepared for subsequent attacks.  Within days, soldiers in the front lines received gauge pads filled with cotton, accompanied by bottles of bicarbonate solution.  In the event of a gas attack, the pads were dipped into the liquid and held to the face.  By July 6, all British forces were equipped with a 'smoke helmet' designed by Major Cluny MacPherson of the Newfoundland Regiment.  It consisted of a flannel bag with a celluloid window and covered the soldier's entire head.  While it obscured their vision and was somewhat uncomfortable, it did protect their health.

Australian soldiers wearing advanced gas masks.

It was not long before Allied forces responded in kind.  Shortly after the Ypres attack, Britain organized Special Gas Companies consisting of 1400 personnel, assigning them to strategic locations along the front.  When the first British gas attack occurred several months later, however, its outcome illustrated the challenges faced in effectively using poison gas on the battlefield. 

At 5:20 am September 24, 1915, British troops released 140 tons of chlorine gas into an initially favorable wind near Loos, Belgium.  As the cloud crawled across No Man's Land, however, the wind shifted and within forty minutes portions of the gas blew back into sections of the British line.  In addition, the gas in some cylinders could not be released, as soldiers were not issued with the correct turning key.  Subsequent German artillery shells struck several full cylinders, releasing more gas into the British positions.  It is estimated that the number of British gas casualties may have actually exceeded the number of victims in the opposing trenches. 

The Loos incident illustrated one of the greatest challenges in using poison gas as a weapon - finding an effective delivery system.  For several months, both sides experimented with inserting gas into artillery shells, a tactic that eventually proved highly effective.  More significantly, chemists addressed chlorine's shortcomings by developing a new, more effective poison gas by year's end - phosgene.

First produced by French chemists, phosgene is colorless and almost odorless, making it much more difficult to detect.  It does not induce coughing, increasing the amount of gas inhaled.  Phosgene does not immediately incapacitate its victims, requiring 24 to 48 hours to take effect.  However, inhalation of small quantities causes death.  As it is a denser gas, phosgene was usually mixed with equal amounts of chlorine to enhance its ability to disperse.  Allied troops called this deadly combination 'White Star', a reference to the symbol painted on the shells used to deliver the gas.

Poster highlighting phosgene's properties and effects.

The Germans launched the first chlorine - phosgene attack on British troops at Willtje, Belgium on December 19, 1915.  A total of 88 tons of gas was delivered by artillery shells, inflicting 69 fatalities and 1009 casualties.  British troops used the same weapon and technique during the Somme offensive launched in July 1916.  While only 36,600 tons of phosgene were produced during the war in comparison to 93,900 tons of chlorine gas, it was far more effective in inflicting casualties.  Estimates credit phosgene with approximately 85 % of the deaths caused by chemical weapons during the war.

By 1917, both sides were capable of launching gas attacks on one another's front lines, supply lines, support trenches and gun placements by means of chemical artillery shells, projectiles and mortars.  That same year, another deadly weapon made its debut.  Mustard gas, a chemical compound developed by the Germans, was first used during the Third Battle of Ypres (July 1917) on the Western Front and against Russian troops near Riga, Latvia (August 1917) on the Eastern Front.  Called "Yellow Cross" by the Germans after the identifying symbol placed on the shell casings, mustard gas is virtually odorless and colorless.  To the British, it was "HS" - "Hun stuff" - while the French called it "Yperite" after the Belgian city where it was first used. 

Unlike chlorine and phosgene, mustard gas does not have to be ingested.  Simple physical contact produces skin blisters, sore eyes and vomiting in addition to internal bleeding if inhaled.  The gas strips the mucous membrane of the bronchial tubes, leading to a slow, painful death as long as five weeks after contact.  Survivors often suffer blindness due to eye contact.  While not particularly effective at killing enemy soldiers, it did severely inhibit their ability to fight.  The gas also remained active in the soil for several days, depending on weather conditions, making contaminated trenches 'uninhabitable'.

While poison gas never succeeded in breaking the stalemate on either front, it became a standard part of the weaponry employed by both sides throughout the conflict.  At war's end, 35 % of French and German, 25 % of British, and 20 % of American ammunition stockpiles consisted of poison gas shells.  It was particularly suited to the static trench warfare that dominated fighting on the Western Front and was regularly combined with artillery fire in support of infantry attacks during the war's later stages.  Had the war continued into 1919, both combatants planned to insert poison gas into 30 to 50 % of newly manufactured artillery shells.

Artillery shells filled with poison gas.

While the Germans used the largest quantity of gas during the war - an estimated 68,000 tons - British forces actually launched more gas attacks during the last two years of the war than their opponents.  In comparison, French forces used 36,000 tons and British forces 25,000 tons of poison gas throughout the war.  During the war's later stages, Germany was unable to keep pace with Allied stockpiles, due to the cost of production and the entry of the United States into the war, an event that significantly increased Allied resources. 

In the final analysis, poison gas did not prove to be an effective weapon.  While it was deployed in 25 % of the artillery shells fired during the war, it caused only 3 % of its casualties.  This was due in large part to the development of filter respirators utilizing charcoal or chemical antidotes, although the masks remained cumbersome. 

Nevertheless, gas was responsible for thousands of casualties and deaths.  British forces suffered 188,706 casualties and 8,109 fatalities due to contact with poison gas.  An estimated 12,000 Canadian soldiers suffered from its effects.  Many victims never reported minor contact with gas and therefore were unable to obtain compensation if its effects produced health problems later in life.  Russian soldiers were most affected, suffering 419,340 casualties and 56,000 fatalities, although this was largely due to their military's failure to implement suitable precautions.

In total, poison gas accounted for 1,250,000 casualties and 91,000 fatalities, half of which occurred on the Eastern Front.  While significant, these figures represent only 10 % of the total number of casualties during the war, demonstrating its overall ineffectiveness as a weapon.  After the war, concern over future use of poison gas led to the creation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol.  This international agreement, eventually adopted by all of the war's major combatants, specifically prohibited the use of lethal gas and bacteriological weapons in combat, although production and stockpiling were permitted.  As a result, with the exception of a few isolated incidents, poison gas was not used to any extent during World War II or subsequent 20th century military conflicts.

*****

Sources:

Chemical Weapons in World War One.  Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia.  Available online.

Poison Gas.  Canada and the First World War.  Canadian War Museum.  Available online.

Poison Gas and World War One.  History Learning Site.  Available online.

Poison Gases.  Spartacus Educational.  Available at http://spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/FWWgas.htm

Weapons of War: Poison Gas.  Firstworldwar.com - A Multimedia History of World War One.  Available online.

Lance Corporal Percy John Lumsden - A Pioneer's Story

Date of Birth:  April 24, 1890

Place of Birth: Canso, NS

Mother's Name: Annie Rebecca McLellan

Father's Name: James Robert Lumsden

Date of Enlistment: March 1, 1915 at Victoria, BC

Regimental Number: 430043

Rank: Lance Corporal

Force: Canadian Expeditionary Force

Regiments: 48th Battalion; 3rd Canadian Pioneers

Location of service: Canada, England, France & Belgium

Occupation at Enlistment: Salesman

Marital Status at Enlistment: Single

Next of Kin: James R. Lumsden (father)

*****

Over the course of the First World War, it was not unusual for several siblings to voluntarily enlist for overseas service.  The Canso family of Deacon James Robert and Annie Rebecca (McLellan) Lumsden was one such case.  James and Annie raised seven children in their home - six sons and one daughter.  Three of their boys responded to the King's 'call to duty'.  The first to enlist - and the youngest - was Clarence Basil 'Bill' Lumsden, who joined the 25th Battalion at Halifax on February 11, 1915 at age 20.  A second brother - the oldest - Asa Harrington 'Harry', enlisted in the Forestry Corps at Windsor, NS on October 15, 1917.  A third son, Percy John, joined the 48th Battalion (British Columbia) on March 1, 1915.

Percy John Lumsden in his youth.

Percy's early life was representative of life in a rural settlement.  He was raised in a devout Baptist family and became actively involved in church affairs, serving as a member of the Finance Committee, Sunday School librarian, and first secretary of the Free Men Class.  Percy found local employment at A. N. Whitman's general store, working as a clerk in the men's wear department.  He was also an avid amateur photographer.

Like other young men of his day, Percy was soon enticed by the world beyond his humble beginnings.  After nine years working in Canso, he decided to relocate to Canada's west coast.  A. N. Whitman's and the local Oddfellows' Lodge, of which he was 'a prominent member', presented him with a gold watch chain in recognition of his service to both employer and community.  By early 1914, Percy was settled in Prince Rupert, BC, where he found employment at a local warehouse.  He described his circumstances in a May 25, 1914 letter to his older brother Homer's wife, Gertie:

"Here I am on the other side of the continent seeking fame and fortune and mayhap a wife.  Well such is life.  We're here today and gone tomorrow.  But I can't complain [as] I am enjoying it to the full.  I have been working just a fortnight and hope I'll be able to hold the job down as long as I want it.  I had the offer of a job in the commissary department of the Canadian Cold Storage a fortnight ago at $ 80 a month but I turned it down as I would have had to work Sunday and they expected me to stay at the plant all the time[,] which is about two miles out of town.  However[,] I got a job the same afternoon in the Piercy Morris Co.'s warehouse at $ 21 a week and hours from 8 to 6 and close[d] on Saturdays.  It is a wholesale firm and I like the work first rate."

A. N. Whitman's General Store, Canso (date unknown).

Percy found accommodations in Prince Rupert with two other young men, Philip H. Linsy, an Englishman, and 'Chas.' McCurdy, a native of Baddeck, NS.  According to family sources, Percy also met a young woman and was soon engaged to be married.  However, his personal and professional plans were place on hold on March 1, 1915, when Percy enlisted in the 48th Canadian Infantry Battalion at Victoria, BC.

*****

The 48th Canadian Infantry Battalion was organized at Victoria, BC in February 1915 under the command of Lt.-Col. W. J. H. Holmes.  The unit drew the nucleus of its initial enlistments from the 50th Gordon Highlanders and 88th Victoria Fuseliers, two local militia regiments.  To bring its ranks to full strength, organizers launched a province-wide recruitment campaign, to which young Percy Lumsden and dozens of other young men responded.

After a period of training, Percy and the 48th travelled by train to Montreal, boarding the SS Grampian for their trans-Atlantic voyage on July 1, 1915.  Upon its arrival in England nine days later, the battalion consisted of 38 officers, 1010 'other ranks' and their mascot, a bear affectionately named 'Bruno'.  The men immediately resumed training at West Sandling, in preparation for the call to the front.

The unit's plans for service as an infantry unit changed significantly on January 25, 1916.  In response to a pressing need for skilled labor at the front, military authorities re-designated the 48th as the 3rd Canadian Pioneer Battalion and assigned the unit to the 3rd Canadian Division.  Sources cite the men's excellent physical condition as the reason for the decision.  Whatever the cause, Percy's experience at the front lines would prove no less perilous than the infantrymen for whom he and his fellow 'pioneers' constructed fortifications, trenches and other vital facilities.

3rd Canadian Pioneers/48th Battalion pin.

On March 1, 1916, Percy's devotion to military duties merited a promotion to the rank of Lance Corporal.  The following day, he wrote to Homer and Gertie, outlining his experiences in England:

"I've been having a pretty good time over here.  I've had quite a bit of leave of absence and needless to say made the most of my opportunities.  I visited the family of the chap I was backing [sic] with in [Prince] Rupert.  They live in Trowbridge and I have been down there twice.... I have been to the Big Smoke [London] quite a lot and feel very much at home there.... She's a great old town and I'd like to see it when she's lit up.  The streets are all darkened now of course as they are afraid of Zeppelins.  I have seen a number of the places that were wrecked by the bombs but really the damage done hasn't been very great.... A week ago a German aeroplane dropped a bomb not far from Folkestone.  They tried to hit the Naval Aerodrome but missed it."

Percy also described recent activities as the 3rd Pioneers prepared for deployment at the front:

"We have been quarantined for measles for over a week now and are not allowed out of camp except for drill.  I think it has been done more to keep the boys together than to prevent the spread of measles.  We expect to leave for France on the 10th of this month and they don't want any of the chaps to be away when the time comes to leave.... We have about a hundred horses and mules and as soon as they are equipped we'll be ready to move off.  We have been down to Hythe these last two days building bridges across the canal.  Yesterday we built a float out of a couple of casks lashed together and when two of the boys got on it to put it into place it upset.  The water was quite shallow so they didn't get very wet, but it was fun for us while it lasted."

The Folkestone area was 'crawling' with CEF battalions, providing the occasional opportunity to connect with Canso acquaintances.  Percy relates one such instance:

"On Tuesday the 40th Bn. moved from Bramshott to East Sandling.  I saw three of the boys from home as they marched past our camp.  I didn't see Jud Swaine [Percy's first cousin - their mothers were sisters].  Guess he was in the first half of the battalion which went by when I was on guard.  I can't get out to see them so am hoping that they will come over here before we pull out."

Percy closed with the observation that "I haven't been using my camera much lately.  I won't be able to take it with me so I am going to send it to my friends in Trowbridge till I come back for it."

Percy John Lumsden shortly before the war.

Seven days after his letter home, Percy marched with the 3rd Canadian Pioneers from West Sandling to nearby Folkestone and boarded one of two transport ships for the journey across the English Channel.  At 5 pm March 9, 1916, he disembarked at Boulogne, France and marched to nearby St. Martin's Camp.  The following day, the men were issued their equipment - "leather jackets, gas helmets. etc." - as they prepared for their front line deployment.

Entraining at Boulogne at 1:30 pm March 11, the 3rd Pioneers made a six-hour train journey to Goedewaersvelde, France, adjacent to the Belgian border, where they rested in billets for two days.  On March 14, their final preparation for front line duty commenced when the battalion was attached to the 1st Canadian Division "for practical training in the trenches".  Two of the battalion's four companies proceed to the front lines later that evening.

The following day, Percy and the 3rd Pioneers were introduced to the realities of front line combat.  The battalion's war diary records that "[the] enemy put a little shrapnel over in the morning.  In [the] afternoon [German forces were] active with rifle grenades and minenwerfers [mortars].  Two men [were] wounded while on working parties - one slightly and one severely in [the] chest with [a] rifle bullet."

S. S. Grampian (1907)

German shellfire on March 16 resulted in the unit's first fatalities.  At 1:15 pm, "[the] enemy commenced intense bombardment on [the] whole sector and continued until 6 pm.  Shells [fired] on average of 6 to 8 per minute.  Casualties - two killed, four wounded."  The following day, rifle grenade and mortar activity continued as 3rd and 4th Companies replaced 1st and 2nd for two days of service in the front trenches.  Having completed its preliminary training, 3rd Pioneer Battalion was assigned to the Ypres Salient, Belgium on March 22, in relief of the Sherwood Foresters, a British Pioneer battalion.

Percy and his comrades spent the first two days heightening the parapets around their camp before commencing work on front line defences.  On March 25 and 26, several companies worked on trench construction near Ypres in co-operation with the Royal Canadian Engineers.  The following day, British artillery launched a heavy artillery bombardment and detonated a mine underneath nearby German positions at St. Eloi.

On March 28, the battalion suffered its first officer fatality at Ypres when Captain A. F. Whiteside was "killed instantly" by enemy shellfire.  Their tasks often required pioneers to work in the open, exposed to enemy fire.  On March 31, for example, one officer and two 'OR' were wounded by shrapnel while carrying out survey work.  Two days later, three Sergeants and two Privates were similarly injured while on a working party.  Working in such a perilous environment was no doubt a highly stressful experience.

Portrait of Percy John Lumsden.

Despite these dangers, Percy and his fellow pioneers continued their daily work.  On April 2, No. 4 Coy. dug out a 43rd Battalion machine gun section that had been "buried by [a] HE [high explosive] shell".  On subsequent days, companies engaged in trench construction, tunneled underneath the Menin Road, built dugouts, surveyed rear trenches and existing light tramlines, constructed a machine gun emplacement under the Lille Road, and connected light tramways with main branch lines. 

The daily exchange of gun, mortar and artillery fire produced a steady stream of injuries and fatalities.  On April 13 and 15, the unit's war diary reported one casualty each day.  April 16, 1916, however, proved to be particularly tragic as one pioneer was killed and three others wounded.  Amongst the three soldiers rushed to No. 10 Casualty Clearing Station for treatment was Lance Corporal Percy John Lumsden.  Severely wounded in the head, he never regained consciousness.  Despite the valiant efforts of CAMC personnel to save his life, Percy died of his wounds before day's end.

*****

After contributing to fortifications in the Ypres Salient, 3rd Pioneer Battalion relocated to the Somme region of France, where the men participated in the major British offensive launched in July 1916.  The following spring, the unit labored in support of the successful Canadian assault at Vimy Ridge in April 1917.

By this point in the war, increasing demand for infantry recruits forced military commanders to reconsider existing personnel assignments.  After more than two years of recruitment efforts, British Columbia was struggling to maintain separate units in the field "due to the fact that the majority of [those eligible] had enlisted during the early part of the war".  In fact, only 40 percent of 3rd Pioneers' 1917 personnel were from its home province.

As a result, in May 1917, officials decided to dissolve the 3rd Pioneer Battalion, rejecting a last minute suggestion from its officers that the battalion be re-designated as a Canadian Railway Troops unit.  The battalion war diary lamented the decision to dissolve a unit "of trained miners and technical men with 14 months' experience in France", but its fate was sealed.  By month's end, 3rd Canadian Pioneers' remaining personnel were dispersed amongst four Canadian infantry battalions desperate for reinforcements.

#rd Canadian Pioneers pin with mascot 'Bruno'.

Lance Corporal Percy John Lumsden was laid to rest in Lijssenthoek Military Cemetery, Belgium.  His tragic death did not pass unnoticed.  A news item from a local newspaper, The Canso Breeze, describes a sombre memorial service held at the Baptist Church "for two of our most highly respected young men" on April 30, 1917.  Two days prior to Percy's death, his first cousin, 23-year-old Roland Judson 'Jud' Swaine - a fellow 'son' of Canso and the young soldier Percy had hoped to see as the 40th Battalion marched past in Folkestone - was also killed in action.  Like Percy, Jud was one of four brothers who enlisted in the Canadian Expeditionary Force during the course of the war. 

Rev. Charles R. Freeman conducted the memorial service, expressing the community's sentiments on the tragedy that had befallen two of its families:

"In the passing of these two young men not only the immediate families but the church and town have suffered a great loss…. The young men have done their bit for King and Country and in the great cause of humanity have laid down their lives.  Brave heroes they were that needed no urging to the call to duty and never refused the task because it was hard.  With the King of Kings they have entered into their reward."

Percy's 3rd Pioneer Battalion mates also remembered their fallen comrade.  Several weeks after his death, Percy's mother Annie received a letter from Cpl.Ron McIntosh (regimental number 430083) dated May 6, 1916.  Its content described the recent arrival of a box of fudge addressed to Percy.  Cpl. McIntosh shared the parcel with the boys from Percy's section and concluded with these personal sentiments:

" We all miss him terrible.  The boys of his section send their heart felt sympathy to you as I do, Percy was my constant chum for the past eighteen months and we had many happy times together.  I cannot begin to describe to you how much I miss him."

Belgian grave of Lance Corporal Percy John Lumsden

 

*****

Sources:

Broznitsky, Peter.  3rd Pioneer Battalion.  Russians in the CEF.  Available online.

Regimental Record of Lance Corporal Percy John Lumsden, no. 430043.  Library and Archives Canada: RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 5790 - 3.  Attestation papers available online.

War Diaries - 3rd Pioneer Battalion.  War Diaries of the First World War.  Library and Archives Canada: RG9 , Militia and Defence , Series II, D-3, Volume 5010, Reel T-10858-10895.  File: 723.  Available online.

Personal letters, newspaper article and family pictures courtesy of Patsy Lumsden.  Available online at The Lumsden Family website.

Pioneer Battalions

'Pioneers' were an integral part of European armies for centuries.  The military use of the term is derived from 'pionnier', a traditional French word for 'foot soldier'.  Traditionally, pioneers travelled in advance of the main body of soldiers, using spades and pick-axes to prepare a path across the landscape.  As the era of modern warfare emerged, pioneers assumed various engineering and construction tasks, fulfilling roles similar to 'sappers'.

Recruitment poster for CEF Pioneer battalion.

Prior to World War I, the British Army maintained small groups of pioneers within each infantry regiment.  Thus, no distinct 'pioneer' units existed in August 1914.  The war's early events, however, quickly produced dramatic changes in their organization and role.  Gradually, pioneers were organized into separate units under the control of the infantry's engineering and logistics branches, where they assumed responsibility for constructing fortifications, military camps, roads, railways and bridges. 

When British and French forces managed to halt invading German forces in northern France and Belgium late in 1914, two massive armies faced one another along the lengthy, static Western Front.  The British Expeditionary Force (BEF) initially relied on French civilian labor to unload and transport equipment and supplies required on the front lines.  During the war's early months, infantry soldiers dug trenches, installed barbed wire, and moved munitions and supplies to the front lines, tasks that were appropriately labeled 'fatigue routine'.  The inefficiency of these practices quickly became apparent.  French labourers were unable to maintain the pace required to move the large quantities of supplies, and utilizing infantry soldiers as construction labor reduced the number of men available to fight. 

In addition, as the war progressed, a much greater focus on field engineering emerged as trench construction, defensive reinforcements, enhanced road and railroad transportation became increasingly vital.  As a result, in December 1914, British commanders decided to recruit and organize several 'labor' and 'pioneer' units, each with specific tasks.  Railway Companies were located at major transportation centres such as Le Havre, France, where they unloaded and moved the large quantities of supplies required to fight the war.  Twelve Royal Engineering Labor Battalions carried out railroad construction and transportation.  Finally, in December 1914, a Pioneer Battalion was formed in each infantry division and assigned the task of completing construction work as required along and behind the front lines. 

CEF Pioneer Badge.

While pioneer recruits received basic infantry training and could be assigned to the front trenches in an emergency, recruitment focused on men with a variety of skills and trades.  The goal was to create an efficient labor pool capable of carrying out complex construction and engineering tasks.  As fighting progressed, the need for additional manpower to carry out this work led Britain to request assistance from its colonies.  In response, Canada organized and trained the 1st and 2nd Pioneer Battalions in the autumn of 1915.  By year's end, both units were in England training and were transferred to France in early March 1916.  

In total, Canada provided seven pioneer battalions as part of its wartime contributions.  Several units were initially recruited as infantry battalions before being redesigned 'pioneers'.  The 48th Infantry Battalion, for example, was organized in Victoria, BC in February 1915, traveled to England in July and was re-designated the 3rd Pioneer Battalion in January 1916.  Four other infantry battalions - 67th, 107th, 123rd and 124th - were also transformed into pioneer battalions but retained their infantry numbers.

Pioneer battalions maintained channels of communication and transport, dealt with the movement and handling of munitions, built and repaired various structures and fortifications.  In doing so, they provided essentially the same services as CEF engineering units, although they remained under infantry command.  This anomaly was corrected in mid-1917, when pioneer units were reorganized and placed under direct control of the Engineers branch of the Canadian Corps.  At that time, one unit - 1st Pioneer - was re-designated a Railway Troop.  Another unit - the 3rd Pioneer - was disbanded and its members were reassigned to several infantry battalions.

An Australian Pioneer Battalion constructing a fortification at the front.

In May 1918, General Arthur Currie, commander of the Canadian Corps, initiated a final reorganization of Canadian Engineers personnel.  Until that time, small groups of engineering 'specialists' relied on infantry battalions to provide, on a rotating basis, the labourers required to complete their projects.  As a result, the engineers had little control over their working parties and often found themselves caught between Engineering and Infantry Brigade chains of command.  This situation often created confusion, waste and inefficiency in completing their assigned tasks.

Under Currie's direction, the three engineering companies connected to each Canadian Division were expanded and combined into one Engineer Brigade, under a separate headquarters.  The Brigade consisted of three engineering battalions of 1000 men each, along with a Pontoon Bridging and Transport Unit.  Additional personnel required to staff the battalions was obtained by disbanding the remaining pioneer units, the 1st and 2nd Tunnelling Companies, and three 5th Division Engineers field companies. 

Currie's reorganization plan was completed by the end of July 1918.  Much of the success achieved by the Canadian Corps during the last 100 days of the war was attributed to this restructuring.  As Canadian units advanced into German-held territory, engineering units possessed sufficient manpower to complete vital tasks, such as bridge building and repair, without requiring assistance from infantry units.

Ist Canadian Pioneers Badge.

Engineering battalions continued their work in France and Belgium for several months after the November 11, 1918 ceasefire.  With the assistance of labor battalions, they cleared the remnants of the war - particularly unexploded artillery shells - from the battlefields.  Other units recovered, registered and organized the war dead into today's war cemeteries. 

The pioneers' crucial role in the war was not forgotten.  When the Second World War broke out, on October 17, 1939, the British government created the Royal Pioneer Corps, a unit designed to complete 'light engineering tasks'.  Today, it is known as the Royal Logistics Corps (1993) and plays an integral role in the implementation of military strategy on the battlefield.  Similarly, today's Canadian Armed Forces include several 'combat engineer regiments' designed to carry out such tasks as road clearance, disposal of explosive ordnance, heavy equipment operation and combat support.  These modern units continue the excellent tradition of military service established by the 'pioneers' of the past.

*****

Sources:

48th Battalion, CEF (3rd Pioneer Battalion).  The Great War Forum.  Available online.

Broznitsky, Peter. "3rd Pioneer Battalion".  Russians in the CEF.  Available online.

Payne, Dr. David.  "The British Pioneer Battalions and Labour Corps on the Western Front."  The Western Front Association.  Available online.

Pioneer (military).  Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia.  Available online.

Pioneer Battalions.  Oxford Companion to Australian Military History.  Available online at Answers.com.

Pioneer Battalions.  Canadian Expeditionary Force Study Group.  Available online.

WW I Pioneer Battalions.  The Great War Forum.  Available online.

Sapper Francis 'Frank' Stewart Manson: A CRT Soldier's Story

Date of Birth: December 2, 1892

Place of Birth: Sherbrooke, Guysborough County

Mother's Name: Lucy Walters

Father's Name: George W. Manson

Date of Enlistment: January 26, 1917 at Vancouver, BC

Regimental Number: 827203

Rank: Sapper

Forces: Canadian Expeditionary Force; Canadian Railway Troops

Name of Unit(s): 143rd OS Battalion (BC Bantams); 3rd Battalion Canadian Railway Troops

Location of service: England, Belgium & France

Occupation at Enlistment: Pipe fitter

Marital Status at Enlistment: Single

Next of Kin: George W. Manson (father)

*****

Francis 'Frank' Stewart Manson was the youngest of four sons born to George W. and Lucy (Walters) Manson.  The family underwent a tragic disruption when mother Lucy died shortly after Frank's birth.  The boys were dispersed among nearby relatives while their father worked and resided in nearby Country Harbour.  Frank thus spent his childhood in the Aspen home of Alfred E. and Elizabeth (Manson) McKeen.  The fact that his military will named 'Aunt Libbie' as sole heir indicates the prominent role she played in his upbringing.

Sapper Francis Stewart Manson

Around 1907, Frank and his brother Alexander travelled to British Columbia, where they were reunited with siblings John 'Jack' and Lowell.  The young men found work at the Britannia Beach copper mine, where Frank took up pipefitting.  Perhaps it was youthful exuberance or the excitement of a new opportunity.  Whatever the motivation, on January 26, 1917, Frank enlisted in the 143rd Overseas Battalion at Vancouver, BC.   He was the first of his brothers to do so - older sibling Jack was later conscripted into service in December 1917.  As events unfolded, Frank's military career brought new experiences and outcomes that he could never have anticipated at enlistment.

*****

The 143rd Overseas Battalion (BC Bantams) was authorized in November 1915 and commenced its province-wide recruitment campaign three months later.  Regular military standards required single men between the ages of 19 and 30 years, a minimum height of 5' 4" and a chest measurement of 34".  As a result, men of smaller stature were regularly rejected. The 143rd was one of two Canadian 'bantam' battalions authorized during the war.   Based on a successful British model that targeted its coal mining population, 'bantam' battalions were permitted to accept men with a minimum height of 5' 1 1/2" and a chest measurement of 30", although age requirements were set at 22 years.  As recruitment in British Columbia proceeded, however, slow response forced the unit to accept men who met regular infantry standards in order to achieve full strength.  Frank was one of the recruits whose stature well exceeded battalion requirements - at enlistment, he stood 5' 7 1/4", with a chest measurement of 35".

After a year of recruitment and training, the battalion travelled by train across the country, boarding the SS Southland at Halifax on February 17, 1917.  Ten days later, Frank set foot on English soil, travelling to billets at Witley Camp.  Sadly, the battalion met the same fate as most of the Nova Scotian battalions raised through similar enlistment campaigns - it was disbanded shortly after arrival in England.  Approximately 750 men, classified as 'Category A', were transferred to the 24th Reserve Battalion and dispersed among units at the front.  The remaining members were assigned to the recently formed Canadian Railway Troops (CRT).  Frank Manson was one of 135 'other ranks' (OR) attached to the 3rd Battalion CRT.

CRT soldiers placing ballast on a light gauge line.

CRT units were responsible for the construction, maintenance and repair of regular and light gauge railways throughout the British sector in France.  Frank's new unit originated when the 239th Battalion was re-designated the 3rd Battalion CRT on February 3, 1917.  The 143rd transfers arrived at CRT base, Purfleet, England, on March 15, bringing the battalion's numbers to full strength.  Several days before Frank's arrival, two of its companies - 'A' and 'B' - travelled from Shorncliffe, England to Boulogne, France.  Several days after their arrival, the men began laying track in the trans-shipping yard at Barlin, near Lens, France. 

On March 22, Frank and the other members of the battalion's 'C' and 'D' Companies proceeded overseas, arriving at Boulogne by mid-day.  Two days later, they travelled by train to Calais, moving onto their first work assignment at Poperinghe, near Ypres, Belgium.  On March 27, battalion's war diary described the weather as 'cold and clear… [with] snow and rain in [the] afternoon" as Frank and his comrades commenced work on a railway grade near Ypres.  Two days later, two rail cars and four 3-ton lorries loaded with the companies' tools and equipment arrived at Poperinghe. 

Working conditions were challenging at times.  On April 2, for example, the battalion's war diary describes the weather as 'freezing', with "heavy snows in the afternoon [and a] gale at night".  Nevertheless, work proceeded as usual.  While 'A' and 'B' Companies connected regular gauge track to a light rail system near Fosse, 'C' and 'D' companies laboured in Belgium, relocating to Ploegsteert, near Armentieres, on April 6. 

Plan for light railway yard at Savy-Berlette, France.

That same day, Frank was admitted to 3rd New Zealand Field Ambulance and transferred to hospital at Dieppe the following day for treatment of bronchitis.  He spent the next two and a half weeks receiving medical treatment and recuperating before rejoining his unit on April 27.  While his stay was relatively brief, it was an early sign of health complications that would plague his military career.

In Frank's absence, the battalion suffered its first fatality on April 23 when a 'sapper' was killed in an artillery shell explosion near Ploegsteert.  The day before Frank's return, shrapnel wounded a 'sapper' while a second man suffered 'shell shock' during an artillery barrage on 'B' Company's work site.  Military commanders were not immune to the dangers of working at locations close to the front lines.  On May 19, the war diary reported the first officer fatalities when artillery shells struck battalion headquarters near Thelus, killing two officers and one OR.  A fourth soldier was wounded in the attack.

While not actively engaged in combat, it is arguable that CRT personnel were more at risk of injury as they worked in the open, without protection from enemy fire.  Their work also involved daily risk of injury or death.  On May 2, for instance, two 'C' Company OR were accidentally injured while working in the ballast pit, "one trivial[,] one serious".  Later in the month, a member of 'A' Company was killed when he fell in front of a moving train.  Such incidents illustrate the perils of service in a CRT unit.

CRT light railway work party.

On May 3, 1917, Frank and the other members of 'C' and 'D' companies rejoined the rest of battalion at Barlin.  The war diary lists their strength upon return as 12 officers, 419 OR, 6 riding horses and 96 mules.  Several days later, 'C' Company began maintenance work on a 60 cm gauge railway line between Mareouil and St. Catherines, while 'D' Company constructed a 60 cm line from St. Nicolas to Bailleul.  On May 15, 'D' Company was divided into three parts, 'each working 8 hours throughout the 24 hour day[,] this on account of shelling so as to obtain that part of the day when no shelling was going on".

The following day, 'C' Company widened the existing line between Thelus and Bailleul.  'D' Company's work was delayed "owing to shelling" near Arras during the night, forcing the grading party's withdrawal from the forward area.  Over the following two weeks, Frank and his comrades laboured under persistent artillery fire.  On May 18, a 'C' Company grading party at Rochincourt was delayed by shelling that wounded two OR.  Two days later, 'C' Company worked without incident while 'D' Company laboured under shell fire for the entire day, suffering one OR fatality. 

The war diary also records the unit's various successes and challenges.  On May 21, for example, the first ammunition shipment travelled over a newly constructed line to forward positions at Gavrelle.  The following day, 'D' Company reported "great difficulty with sinking track over [a] shelled area".  At this time, personnel were dispersed into 23 detachments in the Arras area, making it difficult to distribute rations, as a kitchen and cook were required to service each group.  The transport officer later reported a 5 % loss of gasoline supplies "through either defective tins or through having inefficient plugs in tins".  These incidents represent a few of the many difficulties encountered while building railway lines in a war zone.

Clearing debris along standard gauge line.

On May 30, 'C' Company worked on construction and maintenance of the Rochincourt line while shell fire disrupted 'A' Company's assignment unloading ballast in the Thelus rail yard.  'D' Company rested in preparation for night work on the Thelus line.  The following day, 'C' Company distributed ballast on the Rochincourt line while 'D' Company focused on "construction of spurs". 

Frank's work with 3rd Battalion CRT continued through the summer and early autumn months of 1917. *  He enjoyed several week's break at 1st Army Rest Camp from September 22 to October 4 before rejoining the unit in the field.  Three weeks later, the health problems that plagued his earlier service returned.  On October 24, Frank was admitted to # 3 Casualty Clearing Station with a suspected case of 'phthisis', a contemporary name for pulmonary tuberculosis.  He was briefly admitted to 5th General Hospital at Rouen before being "invalided sick" and transported to England on October 31.  Two days later, Frank was admitted to Grove Military Hospital, Tooting Grove, where the initial diagnosis was confirmed.

In mid-November, Frank was relocated to No. 16, Canadian General Hospital, Orpington, where the doctors continued his treatment for "chronic tuberculosis".  On January 4, 1918, he was transferred once again to 5th Canadian General Hospital, Liverpool, remaining there for exactly one month before being "invalided to Canada".  Upon his return, Frank made the long train journey to British Columbia, where he was admitted to Vancouver General Hospital's Military Annex.  Here, he received "rest, [a] nourishing diet and fresh air" as medical personnel helped him cope with his illness. 

Tranquille Sanatorium, Kamloops, BC.

On February 25, 1918, Frank's cousin, Kate Manson, wrote to him from her Dartmouth residence, expressing concern for his health.  Kate had been "hoping for some word from home telling me of your recovery but in mother's last letter she stated that Aunt Libbie had not heard lately.  I sincerely hope that things are going well with my soldier cousin."  Unfortunately, the prognosis was not good.  A medical report dated June 3, 1918 gave the diagnosis as "tubercle of lung", contracted in France in October 1917 as a result of exposure and infection while on active service.  It described Frank's condition in these words:

"Patient is thin and pasty.  Coughs a great deal[,] raising copious whitish thick sputum which is streaked with blood in the morning.  He feels very weak but able to be up.  Slight exertion such as walking 1/4 mile causes some dyspnoea [labored breath], also such exertion as climbing stairs.  Could not walk over 1/2 mile without resting…. Even walking across room causes moderate dyspnoea." 

Frank was also losing weight as his illness progressed.

Sapper Francis Stewart Manson's gravestone, Kamloops, BC.

The medical report recommended medical discharge in addition to continued treatment.  On July 8, 1918, 'Sapper' Francis Stewart Manson was officially released from military service and admitted to the Royal Inland Hospital at Kamloops, BC.  One week later, he was transferred to nearby Tranquille Sanatorium, where Frank passed away on August 3, 1918.  Two days later, he was laid to rest in Pleasant Street Cemetery, Kamloops, BC.

*****

*: Unfortunately, only three months of the battalion's war diary - March to May 1917 - are available online.  The author was therefore unable to access the battalion records for Frank's service from June - October 1917.

Sources:

143rd Battalion, C. E. F. (B. C. Bantams).  Charles LeRoss, Webmaster.  Available online.

Regimental Record of Sapper Frank Stewart Manson, no. 827203.  Copy courtesy of Winn Manson Campbell, Kingston, NS.  Attestation papers available online.

War Diary, 3rd Battalion Canadian Railway Troops.  Library and Archives Canada.  RG9 , Militia and Defence , Series III-D-3 , Volume 5012 , Reel T-10861-10862, File : 733.  Portions available online.

Portrait of Frank Manson, postcard and letter from Kate Manson courtesy of Winn Manson Campbell, Kingston, NS.