Sapper Howard Alphonsus Dort - A 'Tunnelling' Soldier's Story

Date of Birth: December 29, 1891*

Place of Birth: Queensport, Guysborough County

Mother's Name: Marjorie Perio

Father's Name: Elijah Dort

Date of Enlistment: May 2, 1916 at Halifax, NS

Regimental Number: 488326

Rank: Sapper

Force: Canadian Expeditionary Force (Canadian Engineers)

Units: Composite Battalion; 23rd Reserve Battalion; 3rd Canadian Tunnelling Company

Location of Service: England, France & Belgium

Occupation at Enlistment: Lumberman

Marital Status at Enlistment: Married

Next of Kin: Mrs. Georgina (Sharp) Dort, 36 North Albert St., Amherst, NS (wife)

*: Date of birth as recorded on attestation papers.  Howard's 1914 marriage certificate gives his age as 25, suggesting that his year of birth as 1888 or 1889.  The family is not listed in the 1891, 1901 or 1911 Guysborough County censuses.

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Howard Alphonsus Dort was born at Queensport, Guysborough County on December 29, 1891.  Little is known of his early life, other than his parents' names as recorded on his marriage license.  Howard was working as a lumberman in Amherst, NS when he married his first wife, Georgina Sharpe, on November 18, 1914.  Georgina subsequently gave birth to two daughters, Gertie and Annie Amilia, prior to Howard's enlistment with the Canadian Expeditionary Force.

Howard Alphonsus Dort with his second wife, Erma (c. 1947).

 

According to documents in Howard's service file, he was placed on the Halifax Composite Battalion's payroll on September 15, 1915.  Formed from Maritime militia regiments to assume the duties of the Royal Canadian Regiment after its departure for Bermuda in September 1914, the Composite Battalion provided the garrison and guards for the city's various military installations and strategic locations.

Amongst its duties was supervising a small group of prisoners of war held at the Citadel and a Detention Barracks on Melville Island.  In March 1915, increasing numbers of POWs prompted military authorities to establish an Internment Station at Amherst, where two and a half Composite Battalion companies supervised German naval personnel captured at sea and civilians suspected of supporting Canada's 'enemy combatants'.  While his file provides no description of Howard's duties, he may have worked as a guard at the Amherst Internment Station.

Demand for reinforcements at the front increased as the war in Europe entered its second year.  In response, the Composite Battalion provided two 'drafts' for overseas service.  The first group of 100 men departed Halifax in January 1916, followed by a second group of 56 men in June 1916.  Perhaps enticed by appeals for enlistments, Howard attested for overseas service on May 4, 1916.  He was not part of the second group of volunteers, but departed from Halifax aboard the SS Scandinavian with third group on August 8, 1916.

Upon arriving in England ten days later, Howard was taken on strength by the 23rd Reserve Battalion at Dilgate.  The fact that he resided in a coal mining area may have influenced the direction of his military career.  Perhaps Howard had previously worked at a local mining operation.  Whatever the reason, on October 13, 1916 he was assigned to the Canadian Engineers Tunnnelling Brigade at Crowborough, England.

Howard was briefly hospitalized on October 31 for unspecified reasons and spent the month of November awaiting transfer to an overseas unit.  On December 4, 1916, he was selected for service with the 3rd Canadian Tunnelling Company and proceeded across the English Channel to the Canadian Base Depot (CBD) at Le Havre the following day.  One week later, Howard reached his new unit in the field.

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A strategy that originated in ancient times as a siege warfare tactic, tunnelling was ideally suited for the 'static' trench combat that emerged on the Western Front in 1915.  The proximity of the front lines and geological conditions prompted both sides to construct elaborate tunnels in three sectors: the northern front from Ypres, Belgium to Armentières, France; the central sectors from Armentières to Arras; and the southern sectors of the Somme battlefield.

In February 1915 - the same month during which British engineers detonated the first mine at Hill 60, near Ypres, Belgium - Imperial authorities approved plans to create nine companies dedicated to tunnelling beneath German front lines.  A total of twelve units were in operation by year's end, with an additional unit created in 1916.  Each Company consisted of 5 officers and 270 'sappers', assisted by parties of infantrymen who provided manual labour.

The following year, the Canadian government organized three tunnelling companies for service at the front.  The 1st and 2nd Tunnnelling Companies were recruited in Eastern and Western Canada respectively and arrived at the front in the spring of 1916.  While preference was given to men with mining experience, individuals with no such background also served in tunnelling companies.  By year's end, a total of 30 Allied tunnelling companies - including units from New Zealand and Australia - were operating in France and Belgium.

Unlike its two counterparts, 3rd Canadian Tunnelling Company was formed from existing mining sections within the 1st and 2nd Canadian Divisions.  As these men were already overseas, the unit was the first to serve at the front, deploying at St. Marie-Cappel, France in January 1916.  Its initial assignment involved the construction of mines beneath the German front line near Wulveringhem, Belgium.  Utilizing two existing shafts dug to a depth of 60 feet, the Company completed 900 feet of underground 'galleries' before turning the site over to the 175th Company Royal Engineers and relocating to Hill 60 in March 1916.

Upon reaching its new location, 3rd Tunnelling undertook construction of a deep offensive system called the 'Berlin Sap'.  Commencing in the support trenches, the network of tunnels reached a depth of 100 feet from the surface "a short distance outside [the] enemy front line".  At the time of the Company's arrival, personnel dragged 'spoil' - the earth removed to create the galleries - by hand up a 400-foot incline.  3rd Tunnelling's engineers quickly installed a gearless windlass track and utilized 'trucks' capable of carrying 30 to 40 sacks of earth to remove spoil more efficiently.

The Company also created two offensive galleries, one below the center of Hill 60 and the other beneath a high mound called 'the Caterpillar'.  Upon completion, personnel placed 70,000 pounds (32,00 kilograms) of ammonal explosive beneath the Caterpillar at a depth of 110 feet and a distance of 500 feet from the access shaft.  A second charge of 54,000 (24,200 kilograms) pounds was placed beneath Hill 60 at a depth of 90 feet.  Sappers "loaded and tamped" both charges in October 1916.  During construction, the Company detected an underground German gallery that penetrated to 100 feet inside the Allied front line.

3rd Cdn. Tunnelling Co. officers, May 1918 (Source: War Diary)

By November 1916, Company personnel were badly in need of rest, "owing to trying conditions under which the men were living" - a camp that was "practically in the front line [with] dugouts [that] were small and without much head cover".  Having suffered significant casualties due to the location's proximity to the front, 3rd Tunnelling relinquished the site to the 1st Australian Tunnelling Company, which subsequently detonated a 'camouflet' in the German gallery, destroying it before it could be utilized.  The two mines planted by 3rd Canadian Tunnelling beneath German lines lay dormant until detonated the following summer as part of an attack on Messines Ridge.

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At the time of Howard's arrival on December 12, 1916, 3rd Canadian Tunnelling Company was stationed near Ypres, Belgium, where it was responsible for maintaining front line facilities "from River Lys to Louvre". Throughout the winter months, its personnel worked on three major projects: construction of a machine gun subway system; digging a shaft and gallery at a site called Seaforth Farm; and building an underground Headquarters bunker.  The Company was also responsible for monitoring and maintaining existing underground facilities, particularly repairing damage inflicted by artillery fire.

British, New Zealand and Australian infantry units occupied the trenches maintained by the Company, as the Canadian Corps spent the winter of 1916-17 in the Somme region of France.  Casualties were light throughout Howard's first months, due mainly to a lull in fighting brought on by the weather.  The Company's war diary reported 2 officers and 24 'other ranks' (OR) sick and 4 OR wounded for the month of December.

Galleries dug under No Man's Land also served as 'listening posts' for monitoring German activity.  The Company's January 6, 1917 war diary entry described sappers in one shaft hearing "noises which sounded like [the] ringing of an electric bell.  Sounds have been constantly reported from this post.  It is probably under a deep enemy dugout."

Enemy artillery and trench mortar fire at work locations occurred regularly.  On January 22, 1917, for example, "a slight amount of gas entered galleries from gas shells.  Men were withdrawn and were asked by infantry to hold [positions in the] front line.  Galleries were cleared of gas [that] same night."

Throughout the month, personnel completed a vertical shaft to a depth of 95 feet, in addition to 6' by 3' subways at the machine gun emplacements, where work advanced at an average of 15 feet each day.  The war diary described the difficulties of disguising the spoil brought to the surface at worksites during wintertime:

"It is essential that our own work on the surface here be well screened as snow lying on the ground shows up everything that is not covered.  Constant supervision is necessary in the disposal of bags at night.  We have now filled up most of the holes and old trenches closest to the work."
Once completed, the machine gun emplacement was outfitted with bunks and interior fittings to accommodate the gunners stationed there.

As winter gave way to spring, artillery activity in the Company's sector increased noticeably.  For example, the war diary's March 16, 1917 entry reported: "Enemy shelled [one location] continuously from 9 pm to midnight with trench mortars and gas shells.  No casualties owing to the prompt use of box respirators which were worn by our men for four hours."

By early April, Company personnel had constructed 296 feet of gallery at the bottom of the Seaforth Farm shaft, advancing at a rate of 10 feet per day.  The "heavy ground" required significant reinforcement, prompting the men to install 4' 6" I-beam legs and 9" x 3" timber caps and sills to prevent collapsing.  At mid-month, sappers began work on a deep dugout system large enough to accommodate a Brigade and a Battalion Headquarters. 

By month's end, the gallery at Seaforth Farm extended to almost 600 feet, with the Company "doing a lot of deep dugout work as well as mining".  Casualties remained light as the war diary listed 1 OR killed, 1 wounded, 1 death from natural causes, 1 case of shell shock and 10 sick during April.

On May 11, 1917, the Company was ordered to seal the shaft at "Seaforth Farm [and cease work at the location]… on account of not having sufficient time to complete it before commencement of operations."  Personnel concentrated on an "extensive dugout system at Hill 63 [, which was] progressing favourably."  The war diary described precautions taken there in the event of an underground collapse:  "We are placing an emergency store of timbers, rations and tools so that in case of a cave-in or blow, the men will be able to dig themselves out, and at most keep alive until rescued."

Plan for Ploegsteert Brigade HQ (Source: War Diary, April 1917)

By the end of May, the Company had completed 2650 feet of 6' 6" tunnelling beneath Hill 63, "to be used by the infantry as shelters from shell fire".  The war diary reported: "We are rushing everything to completion…. [We have] already rationed [the facility] for a five-day bombardment and… are ready for the coming offensive."  Casualties remained low as 1 officer was wounded, 1 OR killed, 7 wounded and 10 sick during the month's operations. 

In early June, Allied forces completed preparations for a major attack on Messines Ridge, a strategic area of high ground on the outskirts of Ypres occupied by German troops.  In fact, the 3rd Tunnelling Company had placed two of four large mines beneath enemy lines beneath Hill 60 prior to Howard's arrival.  The Company's war diary described its role in the June 7th assault:

"In conjunction with the attack on Messines Ridge: At 3:10 AM we exploded two mines… in front of Ploegstreet Wood.  All four blows [detonated beneath German lines] were successful, an average of about 40,000 pounds of ammonal in each at [an] average depth of 70 feet." 

Tunnelling companies detonated a total of 19 mines as Allied infantry advanced toward the ridge under cover of artillery fire.  In fighting that lasted more than a week, British, Australian and New Zealand units succeeded in dislodging German forces from the strategic ridge, a success greatly aided by the painstaking work of Allied tunnelling companies.

A summary of the Company's work 'in the line' since its inception, attached to the June 1917 war diary, made the following claim: "The credit of the Hill 60 blows on 7/6/17… rests largely with the 3rd Canadian Tunnelling Company, even though the mines were actually sprung by others."  While justifiably proud of its contribution, the report also acknowledged that the detonation of the Messines mines marked the "practical termination of mining on the Second Army front."

With the arrival of summer, Howard and his comrades spent considerable time laboring above ground, primarily on road construction and repair.  Within twelve hours of the Messines mine detonations, personnel began work on the Wulveringhem - Messines Road in anticipation of the Ridge's capture.  Construction of a "double width" road measuring 18 feet proceeded for several days.  Shell craters posed the greatest challenge - one measured 60 feet wide and 25 feet deep, while a second stretched for 40 feet and reached a depth of 20 feet.

Small Company work parties put down two wells for drinking water, as "the enemy poisoned all the water in Messines before he retired with arsenic".  Work was "greatly hindered by [artillery] shelling" as the men toiled in the open for the first time since Howard's arrival.  Month-end casualty statistics reflect the work's precarious nature: 2 officers wounded, 2 OR killed, 23 wounded and 1 case of 'shell shock'.

Throughout the summer months, small of officers and OR received several days' rest on a rotating basis at a camp near Malhove, France.  Personnel completed work on a Headquarters dugout at Messines, constructed dugouts in the newly captured line, and salvaged supplies and material from the old trenches.  The men loaded the recycled items onto lorries, which then transported them to supply dumps.  "If they are careful to work when there is no aerial observation", the war diary commented, "they are immune from shell fire."

In mid-August, Howard and his comrades returned to the perilous task of road repair.  The war diary noted: "Work can only be carried out at night and the early morning on account of the enemy observing and shelling the working parties."  In early September, 3rd Tunnelling relocated to the Ypres-Menin Road area, where it assumed responsibility for constructing and maintaining the sector's dugout systems in addition to local road repair. 

The new location proved just as treacherous as the Company's previous assignment.  On three consecutive days in late September, German artillery shells struck lorries working on road construction, killing 4 and wounding 2 OR.  In total, the war diary reported 3 officers wounded, 6 OR killed and 38 wounded, the Company's "effective strength" standing at 19 officers and 494 OR at month's end.

Roadwork continued into October, as did German artillery fire and mounting casualties.  Crews repaired shell craters "as quickly as possible", but poor road conditions from continual bombardment frequently prevented lorries from transporting the required material to work sites.   At mid-month, the war diary identified another peril: "The enemy are putting over much mustard gas mixed with phosgene.  Our men are continually working in the gas shelled areas."  Several days later, a "bomb [dropped] from [an] enemy aeroplane" killed one and wounded two, while a fourth sapper was gassed.  Altogether, the war diary reported: "Nearly 50 cases of gas are being treated in our camp hospital."

Meanwhile, other sappers were "kept busy cleaning out and repairing entrances and passages damaged by enemy shelling."  As month's end approached, the diary lamented: "A large number of men are reporting sick - largely due to the effects of bad weather and being gassed."  Casualties reached the highest monthly total since Howard's arrival: 1 officer wounded and 1 gassed; 7 OR killed, 19 wounded, 27 gassed and 1 missing.

Map of St, Yves Machine Gun Emplacements (Source: War Diary, April 1917)

On November 1, 1917, as soldiers of the Canadian Corps attacked nearby Passchendaele Ridge, their tunnelling countrymen were building an underground complex at Hooge.  Heavy shelling continued throughout the month as the sappers constructed, repaired and expanded their sector's dugouts.  Casualties for the month were less severe but still well above the levels recorded during Howard's first months at the front: 1 OR killed, 1 officer and 10 OR wounded, and 14 OR gassed.

As winter set in and combat activity declined, military authorities granted small groups of OR two weeks' leave to England.  Having served at the front for twelve months, Howard was amongst those selected for a welcome break, departing on December 7 and rejoining the Company on December 23, 1917.  Two days after his return, personnel enjoyed a lavish Christmas dinner, "which included turkeys given by the New Zealanders and Roast Pork provided by our canteen, with vegetables, fruit, nuts and plum pudding and a canteen of beer or stout or bottle of ginger ale for every man."

Over the next several weeks, Howard and his fellow sappers continued work on underground dugouts, constructing over 900 feet of galleries.  Artillery fire decreased significantly as the year drew to a close: "Enemy very quiet.  No shelling on either side."  December casualty figures - 6 OR wounded, 12 sick - reflect the seasonal lull in combat as both sides settled in for another winter in the trenches.

Two days into the New Year, a dugout where personnel were working suffered a direct hit from a German artillery shell. While there were no casualties, "one man was entombed for nearly an hour."
 Work continued on the underground complex, the men pouring concrete floors in the officers' quarters and constructing new subways to machine gun emplacements, in addition to building six dugouts in other locations.

In February 1918, 3rd Tunnelling began construction of a new underground Corps Headquarters near Westoutre.  Artillery fire gradually increased as the project extended into the following month.  On March 21, 1918, the Company received word of a major German infantry attack at Cambrai, France.  While sappers commenced work on a Royal Flying Corps dugout near Locre, the massive German spring offensive soon impacted their activity.

On March 25, 1918, the Company received orders to "withdraw all men at once from work and mobilize at once ready to move."  That same day, 3rd Tunnelling assumed responsibility for the sector previously serviced by the 2nd Canadian Tunnelling Company.  The war diary commented on the challenge created by the increased workload: " We have now such a large front and [a] comparatively small company that we are only able to carry on a few of the most important jobs.  The remainder is mostly maintenance work."

The following month, the situation worsened as German forces expanded their offensive to areas adjacent to the Belgian border.  On April 9, Company officers received orders to prepare an evacuation plan.  The following day's diary entry contained an alarming tone: "The military situation is intense.  Enemy are advancing on Bailleuil [, France]".  The Company received orders to relocate at 9:30 pm, and immediately set charges to demolish its supply dumps in the event of retreat.

On April 12, the proximity of advancing German infantry dramatically impacted the Company's activity:  "All available men working on the Corps line of trenches just behind Bailleuil and in front of [Saint-Jans-Cappel].  Before we had time to complete three trenches they are being occupied by the Infantry and Machine Gunners who are expecting an attack."  Personnel completed almost one and a quarter miles of front line trench that day, while a small party placed demolition charges beneath the canal bridges at St. Omer, France. 

The following day, trench construction continued as 3rd Tunnelling's men "had only a light screen of Infantry between them and the advancing Germans[;] consequently they had to stand to for over 4 hours and dig the line at the same time."  The men were eventually relieved of infantry duty and returned to their labours, completing 51 fire bays and practically all communication trenches, in addition to one machine gun emplacement, by day's end.

For the next several weeks, personnel hastily constructed networks of trenches behind Allied front lines.  The war diary's April 14, 1918 entry described one consequence of the furious pace of activity:
"Men now digging a line of trenches north west of Méteren.  The French authorities are evacuating civilians from the farms between Méteren and Berthen.  They are leaving their cows, pigs and horses in the fields and on account of the trenches being dug with all speed, this livestock is, unfortunately, being wired into No Man's Land."

The following day, work continued on the Berthen trenches as Allied forces "started to evacuate the Ypres Salient".  All dugout work was discontinued as the Company focused all resources on trench construction, completing "practically a mile of line… on April 17."  The fluid situation led to "the Company… shaking down and becoming more of a mobile unit."

Map of Ploegsteert Charges, Messines Ridge (Source: War Diary, April 1917)

Construction on a new sector of line from Caestre to Hazebrouck, France commenced on April 18.  Throughout this time, personnel were "accommodated wholly by Tents and Tarpaulins… encamped in a green pasture.  [Despite the time of year,] the weather [was] cold with severe snowstorms."  While the majority of personnel focused on trench construction, a small detachment remained at Hooge, Belgium, prepared to detonate charges beneath strategic roads if required.

The Company's April 21 diary entry reflects the surreal absurdity of working in a combat zone: "The town of Caestre was heavily shelled.  We have a good Baseball field in the meadow and the men enjoyed a splendid Baseball Game after their return from work."  In between such recreational diversions, personnel continued construction of the Castre - Hazebrouck line.

When German forces captured Kemmel Hill on the morning of April 26, "the situation in the Ypres Salient… became untenable and the demolition charges [set] under the Menin Road… were successfully blown.  The [Hooge] detachment withdrew in good order and with no casualties."  On the last day of the month, 3rd Tunnelling relocated to a new camp one-half mile north of Sainte-Marie-Cappel, where Howard and his comrades commenced work on a new line of trenches in the direction of Cassel.  Considering the circumstances, April's casualties were surprisingly light: 1 OR killed, 2 wounded and 12 sick.

During the early days of May, both sides engaged in a "heavy artillery duel" in the Kemmel Hill sector near Heuvelland, Belgium, but "no infantry action developed.  The situation remains unchanged."  On May 3, the Company war diary described the implementation of a welcome new routine: "Arrangements have been made for 15 % of the Company to have a rest daily.  The men will be free and able to leave camp for the whole day on Pass."  Meanwhile, work continued on the Sainte-Marie-Cappel - Cassel trenches, the front line nearing completion and efforts focusing on communication and support trenches.

On May 12, 3rd Tunnelling surrendered the newly constructed Sainte-Marie-Cappel line to a Royal Engineers Company as personnel participated in a rare afternoon of sports "much enjoyed by all ranks".  The men rested the following day before establishing a new camp at Godewaersvelde on May 14.  The following day, a large group commenced work on a new section of line at Boechèpe, while another party constructed a new Brigade Headquarters at Borré. 

On May 20, two sappers were killed by artillery fire at Boechèpe and the Company's medical officer was evacuated "due to [a] nervous breakdown".  Work continued at this location throughout the following week, despite the ever-present danger of shelling.  The Company war diary noted a major development on May 27, 1918:

"The enemy attacked at Soissons[, France] and advanced 7 kilometres.  He also attacked east of Ypres and took Ridge Wood and Scottish Wood.  A heavy gas barrage was put down on the French and [the British] 6th Division.  The trenches we are digging were gas shelled and the [Artillery] Batteries nearby had a hot time of it."

The May 29, 1918 war diary provided an update on the German advance:  "Word has been received that the enemy has taken Soissons.  3 OR wounded by enemy shell fire while working on Trenches."  While Allied forces eventually halted the German 'Spring Offensive', Sapper Howard Dort was not present to witness the event - he was one of the three OR wounded by artillery fire that day at Boechèpe.

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Howard was admitted to No. 3 Casualty Clearing Station on May 29, 1918, suffering from shrapnel wounds to "both thighs, left foot and right arm".  Four days later, he arrived at No. 8 Stationary Hospital, where staff treated his wounds and evacuated him to England on June 4, 1918.  The following day, Howard was admitted to Graylingwell War Hospital, Chichester, where he spent four months recovering from his injuries.

A Case History report compiled in January 1919 provided details on his condition.  Howard had received an eight-inch wound on his left thigh three inches above the knee joint, and a second, six-inch wound on the thigh's posterior surface.  Surgeons removed a "small piece of shrapnel, subcutaneously placed on [the] inner surface of the thigh" and reported a "large mass of tissue torn away from the outer side of [the] thigh by [the] missile".  The resulting wounds were quite septic, requiring nine subsequent procedures to drain infection.

The exploding shell casing also inflicted major damage to Howard's left foot.  Surgeons amputated the index toe, while the remainder of his foot was badly deformed, "three outer toes being flexed and two raw surfaces between [the] great and third toes".  There was considerable "tenderness and swelling" in this area, in addition to "stiffness" and "lessened flexion" of the toes.

Damage to Howard's "external popliteal [nerve] high up" resulted in a "marked foot drop".  He therefore "[had] to wear [a] boot with [a] dorsal spring."  Doctors also described "marked limitation of movement at [the left] ankle….  No nerve suture was done….  Muscles of leg much atrophied….  Also has impaired function [of the right] Hip to slight degree."

On October 8, 1918, Howard was transferred to Granville Convalescent Special Hospital, Buxton, where he rested for almost two months.  He was discharged to No. 5 Canadian General Hospital, Kirkdale on November 30, 1918 as preparations for his return to Canada commenced.  After a final Christmas season overseas, Howard departed England on December 29, 1918 aboard SS Araguaya.

Map displaying Camp Hill Hospital's location (c. 1918)

Upon arriving at Halifax on January 10, 1919, Howard was admitted to Camp Hill Hospital, where medical staff completed a thorough examination of his condition.  He was assessed as Category E - unfit for further military service - and transferred to the local 'Casualty Company' on March 1, 1919.  Doctors once again summarized his medical condition on July 28, 1919.  Standing 5' 9" and weighing 142 pounds at the time, the report commented:

"Has to wear a spring on dorsum of foot so as to walk.  Has complete loss of all sensation on outer side left leg from external malleolus [ankle bone] to head of fibula."

While 'foreign bodies' had been removed from the upper third of his thigh, Howard experienced "constant pain at [the] hip, [which became] worse when walking."  He was "unable to walk without a cane and cannot walk over one mile without resting, owing to pain in [his] left foot and thigh.  Left foot and leg always cold, skin is white and glossy.  Hair and skin dry."

The report also stated that Howard had been hospitalized in France for seventeen days in October 1917 for treatment of 'trench foot', although his service file contains no record of this occurrence.  He was also gassed in March 1918 but did not report to hospital.

Howard was released from the Casualty Company on August 1, 1919.  Three days later, he was officially discharged from military service and returned home to his wife and young daughters in Amherst.

*****

Howard's wartime injuries made physical labor difficult, thus limiting employment opportunities.  He therefore received a small veteran's pension from the Canadian government, while working at small jobs in the Amherst area.  For a period of time, the family lived in Glace Bay, where son Malcolm recalls Howard describing his work on water and sewer lines below the town's streets.

Howard and Georgina had three more daughters during the post-war years, the first of whom was born in late 1920.  At age 51, Georgina suffered a heart attack and died at Amherst on October 24, 1946.  Howard subsequently married Erma McFarlane, a native of Woodstock, NB, raising a family of one daughter and three sons with his second wife.  The family resided for a time at East Hampton, NB as Howard worked at the Irving Oil refinery in nearby Saint John.  Daughter Joyce recalls her father contracting a serious case of blood poisoning while working at the facility.

An excellent baker, Howard was also handy around the house, on one occasion building a fancy crib for his son Paul.  At times a stern disciplinarian, daughter Joyce recalls that Howard exhibited many of the symptoms associated today with post-traumatic stress disorder, not a surprising development considering the circumstances of his war service.

The family eventually returned to Nova Scotia, taking up residence at Oxford.  In his later years, Howard suffered from the effects of coronary disease.  He passed away as a result of cardiac failure on May 13, 1956, and was laid to rest in Pine Grove Cemetery, Oxford, NS.

*****

Sources:

Service Record of Sapper Howard Alphonsus Dort, number 488326.  Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG 150: Accession 1992-93/166, Box 2609 - 52.  Attestation papers available online.

War Diary of 3rd Canadian Tunnelling Company, CEF.  Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG 9, Militia & Defence, Series III-D-3, Volume 5003, Reel T-10850, File: 686.  Available online.

A special thanks to two of Howard's children, Joyce (Dort) Whitton (Calgary, Alta.) and Malcolm 'Mack' Dort (Ottawa, Ontario), who provided a copy of Howard and Erma Dort's wedding picture, in addition to information on Howard's life after the war.

Pte. Samuel Rogers Willis - A Conscripted Soldier's Story

Date of Birth: June 14, 1891

Place of Birth: New Town, Guysborough County

Mother's Name: Susanna (Susie) Whidden

Father's Name: Samuel H. Willis

Date of Enlistment: March 15, 1918 at Halifax, NS

Regimental Number: 3180981

Rank: Private

Force: Canadian Expeditionary Force (Infantry)

Units: 1st Depot Battalion, Nova Scotia Regiment; 4th Canadian Machine Gun Battalion

Location of service: England & France

Occupation at Enlistment: Farmer

Marital Status at Enlistment: Single

Next of Kin: James Willis, New Town, Guysborough County (brother)

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Pte. Samuel Rogers Willis (courtesy of Jennifer MacKay, Truro, NS)

Samuel Rogers Willis was the sixth of eight children - two boys and six girls - born to Samuel and Susanna (Whidden) Willis of New Town, Guysborough County.  His father passed away sometime between 1901 and 1911, leaving his older brother James (DOB March 9, 1885) and Samuel to support the family.  Their widowed mother died on November 23, 1913, at which time James took over the family farm.

By the spring of 1917, as the war in Europe entered its fourth year, voluntary enlistment was unable to keep pace with the increasing number of casualties suffered by the Canadian Expeditionary Force.  As a result, on August 29, 1917, the Canadian Parliament passed the Military Service Act and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Robert Borden set in motion a plan to implement compulsory military service.

By year's end, thousands of Canadian males received notices to report for a preliminary medical examination.  Considering the fact that Samuel was 26 years of age at that time, it is not surprising that he was amongst the first group of Guysborough men selected for service.  He completed a preliminary medical examination at Sherbrooke on October 30, 1917 and was placed in category 'A-2' - men who had not been in the field but lacked only military training.  The following spring, Samuel traveled to Halifax and entered military service with the 1st Depot Battalion, Nova Scotia Regiment, on March 15, 1918.

Prior to departing for overseas, Samuel assigned $ 15 of his monthly salary to his brother James.  On April 7, 1918, he sailed from Halifax on board the SS Ulua, landing in England twelve days later.  Upon arrival, Samuel was 'taken on strength' by the 17th Reserve Battalion at Frensham Pond, Bramshott, where he awaited a transfer to a front line unit.

On June 1, 1918, Samuel was assigned to the Canadian Machine Gun Depot at Seaford and immediately commenced 'gunner' training.  Five days after arriving in Seaford, he was admitted to No. 14 General Hospital, Eastbourne, Sussex, for treatment of rubella (measles) and tonsillitis.  He was discharged after twelve days and resumed training.

Samuel was transferred to the Canadian Machine Gun Overseas Pool on August 21, 1918 and crossed the English Channel to France the following day.  He made his way to the Canadian Corps Reinforcement Centre on September 17 and eleven days later was assigned to the 4th Canadian Machine Gun (CMG) Battalion.  On September 29, Samuel joined his new unit in the field.

At the beginning of the war, each Canadian infantry battalion possessed a machine gun section consisting of at least four guns.  As the weapon assumed a critical role on the battlefield, military commanders recognized the need to form specific units trained in its use.  As a result, on January 1, 1916, each Canadian Infantry Brigade received orders to create a separate Machine Gun Company whose initial personnel was drawn from existing battalion sections.

By the spring of 1917, the Canadian Expeditionary Force contained sixteen Machine Gun Companies, four per division.  In early 1918, military commanders once again reorganized the Machine Gun Corps into 16 battalions, each initially consisting of two Companies equipped with a total of 64 guns.  Within four months, General Arthur Currie, Canadian Corps Commander, ordered the creation of an additional company, increasing the number of machine guns per battalion to 96.  By year's end, battalions were expanded to the traditional four-company structure followed by infantry units.

Diagram of a Machine Gun Battalion (Source: 2nd CMG Bn. War Diary)

The machine gun played a crucial role during the war's final months as a massive Allied counter-attack set the previously 'static' front in motion.  Light and portable, the weapon could be quickly deployed to provide barrages of 'indirect fire' in support of advancing infantry battalions.  Machine gun batteries were also called to the front whenever stiff enemy resistance halted progress.

At the time of Samuel's arrival, 4th CMG Battalion consisted of 55 officers and 1459 OR.  Throughout this period, the battalion's companies were attached to advancing infantry units, allowing their commanders to quickly direct their deployment.  Several of its batteries were engaged in offensive action along the Douai - Cambrai Road as part of the Battle of Canal du Nord (September 27 - October 11, 1918).

The unit's war diary summarized the action on September 30, Samuel's first full day at the front:
"Good targets were obtained but casualties were heavy from enemy Machine Guns.  At night defensive positions were taken up.  The troops suffered heavy casualties, and the machine guns were dispersed to cover the gaps in the Infantry Dispositions."

In fact, the unit suffered significant casualties as the Canadian Corps' 3rd and 4th Divisions pressed the attack against German forces on the outskirts of Cambrai.  The war diary recorded 17 'other ranks' (OR) killed and 140 wounded on the day prior to Samuel's arrival, while a total of 5 officers and 48 OR killed in action during the month of September.

As of October 1, three of the battalion's four Companies - Nos. 1, 2, and 3 - were 'in the line' with advancing infantry battalions, while No. 4 Company remained in reserve.  All Companies were relieved by the night of October 5/6 and retired to rest camp at Anzin, where personnel cleaned their guns and equipment in preparation for their next assignment.  Three days later, Canadian forces crossed the strategic Canal du Nord that passed through the outskirts of Cambrai as they pursued retreating German forces in a north-easterly direction toward Valenciennes, France.

4th CMG spent one week at Anzin, where the men trained in the morning and enjoyed sports and recreational activities in the afternoon.  Batteries began to return to the line on the night of October 15/16 near Sauchy-Lestrée,  north-west of Cambrai.  No. 1 and 2 Companies assumed responsibility for "machine gun defence" in the Arleux and Aubencheul sectors, while No. 3 and 4 Companies remained in reserve.

As German forces retreated to a line along the Canal d'Escaut from Bruay to Prouvy, No. 1, 2 and 3 Companies, attached to the 10th, 11th and 12th Canadian Infantry Brigades respectively, remained "in close touch with the enemy".  Meanwhile, 4th CMG's No. 4 Company acted "chiefly in a defensive role, being seldom required to supply cover fire for Infantry".   One of its batteries provided two hours of direct fire during an October 24th advance on the villages of Thiant and Maing.

Before month's end, 4th CMG's Companies were once again relieved in the line, allowing personnel to prepare for the advance's next significant engagement.  By that time, retreating German forces had halted at Valenciennes, the location of the strategic Canal de l'Escaut, and made preparations to defend the last major French city under their control.

Diagram of a Machine Gun Battery (Source: 2nd CMG Bn. War Diary).

The Canal de l'Escaut ran from north to south along the city's western side, posing a major obstacle to advancing Canadian forces.  To make matters worse, German troops opened or destroyed numerous sluices and dykes on the city's outskirts, turning much of the surrounding land into a muddy quagmire.  The canal itself was wired with explosives and German machine guns were strategically placed in buildings on the city's outskirts.

At 5:15 am November 1, 1918, Canadian units launched a coordinated attack on Valenciennes, with three of 4th CMG's Companies playing a critical role in the assault.  No 1 Company advanced with the battalions of the attacking 10th Canadian Infantry Brigade, assuming defensive positions in front of Mount Houy, a strategic area of high ground.  Two batteries from No. 2 Company and No. 3 Company respectively participated in a rolling barrage of machine gun fire "from positions north of Canal de l'Escaut… [while] two [additional] batteries [of] No. 3 Company… remained in position during the day for defence against counter-attacks."

Canadian forces reached the strategic canal by 10:20 am after four hours of heavy fighting in close quarters.  Two batteries of No. 3 Company "by diagonal fire assisted the 12th Canadian Infantry Brigade to cross the canal, and enter Valenciennes from the west side."  Soldiers of the Brigade's 38th and 72nd Battalions crossed the strategic location by raft and cork bridge before mid-day.  Meanwhile, the 10th Brigade's 46th and 47th Battalions, supported by 24 Vickers machine guns from 4th CMG, pressed the attack into the city.

Later in the day, two batteries of No. 2 Company moved forward at noon and "took up positions on Mount Houy to give greater defence in depth."  Fighting continued into the early hours of November 2, with advancing Canadian units reporting that the city "was clear of the enemy" by 8:30 am and German forces once again in full retreat.  In the battle's aftermath, 4th CMG's war diary reported: "No casualties occurred in any of the batteries during the fighting."

The 11th and 12th Canadian Infantry Brigades pressed forward in pursuit of German forces as 4th CMG's Companies continued to operate "with their respective Brigade groups".  Two of No. 3 Company's batteries advanced into St. Saulve, assuming "defensive positions" on the night of November 3/4, while two additional batteries pushed forward into the vicinity of Onnairy the following day.

At 4:55 am November 5, 4th CMG's officers received notice that the 12th Canadian Infantry Brigade would resume the advance at 5:30 am.  Its war diary noted:

"There was no time to issue instructions to Batteries.  Batteries had however been warned by Battalions and arrangements were made.  Two guns of J Battery moved forward with each attacking Company of the 78th Battalion and took up defensive positions east of Quarouble[; the] remainder of guns were held in reserve."

Two guns of 'M' Battery moved forward with a second wave of soldiers from the 85th Battalion (Nova Scotia Highlanders), while the remaining guns establishing defensive positions in support.  As Canadian forces continued to press the attack against retreating German forces, 4th CMG's personnel were relieved on November 6 and retreated to billets at St. Waast la Haut, on the western outskirts of Valenciennes.

While three Companies - Nos. 1, 2 and 3 - provided detailed descriptions of their role in the fighting at Valenciennes from November 1 to 5, only No. 3 Company specifically reported on casualties, stating that the numbers were "comparatively large considering the small space of time in the line" - 1 'other rank' (OR) died of wounds, while 2 officers and 21 OR were wounded. 

Canadian soldiers entering Valenciennes, November 1918 (Source: Library & Archives Canada).

As no lists are available indicating the personnel of specific companies and batteries, it is impossible to determine Samuel's role in the fighting at Valenciennes.  His service record, however, states that he was amongst the gunners wounded in combat.  On November 5, Samuel was admitted to No. 13 Canadian Field Ambulance suffering from "shrapnel wound[s] to his] face, arm [and] shoulder", probably inflicted by a German artillery shell.  The following day, he was evacuated to No. 6 Casualty Clearing Station, where he awaited transfer to hospital.

On November 8, Samuel was admitted to 83rd General Hospital, Boulogne.  Three days later, as the Allied forces implemented the Armistice that ended fighting at 11:00 am, Samuel traveled by hospital ship to England, where he was admitted to Northampton War Hospital, Duston.  An initial medical examination described a "shrapnel wound, face, rt. arm", noting that the facial wound had been excised and sutured and a "foreign body" removed from his right arm.

Doctors removed the stitches on his facial wound the day following his arrival.  By January 1, 1919, medical personnel reported considerable progress, stating that the facial wound was completely healed but his right arm was "not quite healed".  Later that day, Samuel was transferred to the Canadian Red Cross Hospital, Buxton, Derby.  A January 17, 1919 note on his medical records described his condition at the time: "Well developed man without physical signs or symptoms of disease in any of his organs."  Samuel was deemed fit and "discharged from hospital [as] Category A" - fit for military service - on March 7, 1919.

Samuel immediately reported to the Canadian Machine Gun Depot, Seaford, where he awaited further orders.  On April 2, he was transferred to Military District No. 6, Seaford.  Two weeks later, Samuel reported to the Dispersal Area, where he boarded SS Belgic for the return journey to Canada.  He landed at Halifax on April 23 and was formally discharged from military service on May 1, 1919.  His medical examination at that time describes a physically fit young man - 5' 11", 160 pounds, with "no disability".  The only visible evidence of his war experience was "one wound scar, right cheek and right upper arm".

*****

Samuel returned to New Town, where he resided on the family farm with his brother James.  He later traveled to Butte, Montana with a group of local men and worked for a period of time in the copper mines before returning to New Town and purchasing a property across from the Willis family farm.

After several years' farming, Samuel relocated to Cochrane, Ontario, where he worked in a local lumber mill.  On July 8, 1927, he married Mabel Catherine Cameron, a native of Pictou County, in a ceremony held at Cochrane.  The couple's first two children - daughters - were born there during the early years of their marriage.  In 1932, Samuel and Mabel relocated to Hanes, near Red Deer, Alberta, where Samuel purchased a quarter of land and once again took up farming.  In the ensuing years, Mabel gave birth to three more children - a third daughter and two sons.

As time passed, Samuel left farming for his preferred passion - working with his hands.  In 1944, the family moved to Lacombe, Alberta, where Samuel found employment as a carpenter at the Dominion Experimental Farm Station.  He worked at this location until his retirement, returning to New Town on several occasions for visits with family and friends.

Samuel Rogers Willis spent his last years in Lacombe, where he passed away on July 5, 1961, and was laid to rest in nearby Red Deer.  In the years following his return to Canada, Samuel received the British War and Victory Medals in recognition of his overseas military service in England and France.

*****

Sources:

Cook, Tim.  Shock Troops: Canadians Fighting in the Great War, Volume II 1917-1918.  Toronto: Penguin Group, 2008.

Regimental Record of Pte. Samuel Rogers Willis, number 3180981.  Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 10422 - 13.  Entire service record available online.

War Diary of 4th Canadian Machine Gun Battalion.  Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG9, Militia & Defence, Series III-D-3, Volume 4986, Reel T-10818, File: 624.  Available online.

Photograph of Samuel Rogers Willis courtesy of Colin MacKay, Willowdale, Pictou County, reproduced by his daughter Jennifer Mac Kay, Truro, NS.

A special thank you to Samuel's son, Jack Willis of Gainsborough, Saskatchewan, who provided valuable information on Samuel's life after the war.

Sergeant Henry Michael Farrell - An 85th Battalion Soldier's Story

Date of Birth: October 22, 1894*

Place of Birth: East Roman Valley, Guysborough County

Mother's Name: Mary Aikens

Father's Name: Patrick Farrell

Date of Enlistment: February 16, 1916 at Halifax, NS

Regimental Number: 223455

Rank: Sergeant

Force: Canadian Expeditionary Force (Infantry)

Unit: 85th Battalion (Nova Scotia Highlanders)

Location of service: England, Belgium & France

Occupation at Enlistment: Lineman

Marital Status at Enlistment: Single

Next of Kin: Mrs. Mary Farrell, Guysborough (mother)

*: Taken from 1901 and 1911 Guysborough census data.  Henry's attestation papers record his year of birth as 1895.

*****

Henry Michael Farrell was the sixth of fourteen children born to Patrick and Mary Farrell of East Roman Valley, Guysborough County.  The second-oldest of the couple's six sons, Henry worked as a telephone lineman in the years prior to the outbreak of war in Europe.  His younger brother, Douglas Augustine, enlisted with the 85th Battalion at Halifax on October 28, 1915.  Perhaps inspired by his example, Henry joined the same unit on February 16, 1916.

Sgt. Henry Michael Farrell at enlistment.

Officially authorized on September 14, 1915, the 85th Battalion (Nova Scotia Highlanders) was the first provincial unit formed entirely from volunteer recruits and the only such battalion to see action at the front.  Its personnel included a pipe band that played the Scottish air 'Cock o' the North' as the unit's anthem.  Its Gaelic motto, 'Siol Na Fear Fearail' ('Breed of Manly Men'), was further testament to its Highland Scottish character.

A sturdy 5' 10" and 171 pounds at enlistment, Henry was briefly hospitalized at Halifax with tonsillitis in early March before returning to barracks.  As the battalion trained at Camp Aldershot throughout the summer months, recruits deemed 'medically unfit' were honourably discharged.  Such was the case with Douglas, who was released from military service on August 17, 1916 and returned home.

Henry, however, remained with the 85th and boarded SS Olympic on October 12, 1916 for the journey across the North Atlantic Ocean.  Three other provincial units - the 185th (Cape Breton Highlanders), 193rd and 219th - that along with the 85th comprised the 'Nova Scotia Highland Brigade' also made the voyage.  Upon landing in England six days later, the four battalions proceeded to Witley Camp, Surrey for further training.

Unfortunately, demand for reinforcements at the front resulted in the dissolution of the Highland Brigade.  Two of its components - the 193rd and 219th - were dispersed amongst reserve units and battalions at the front.  The 185th remained intact until February 1918, at which time it suffered the same fate.  The 85th, however, proceeded across the English Channel to France on February 10, 1917.  Henry and his comrades spent three days in camp near Boulogne before relocating to Gouy Servins, where the battalion prepared for service 'in the line'.

On March 2, small groups of the 85th's officers and 'other ranks' (OR) commenced short 'tours' in the front trenches with other battalions.  Two days later, the battalion's war diary recorded its first fatality since arriving in France - a Pte. Young killed by artillery fire near 'Hospital Corner'.  The 85th relocated to Bouvigny on March 7 as small groups continued to serve in the line with other units.  The war diary recorded its first official 'front line casualty' on March 16 when Pte. W. I. Leslie (attestation number 222998) was killed "while on sentry duty in front line trenches with 46th Battalion".

In the meantime, Henry and the battalion's personnel completed a training program that included instruction in Lewis Gun operation, bombing, rifle grenades, bayonet fighting and sniping.  On the night of March 22, the 85th relieved the 95h Royal Sussex Regiment in the line at Lorette Spur for four hours as the men rehearsed the procedures for entering and leaving the front trenches.

In early April, the 85th began preparations for its role in the impending Canadian Corps attack on Vimy Ridge.  Due to its lack of combat experience, the battalion was assigned to support roles behind attacking infantry units - constructing dugouts and trenches; carrying wire, ammunition and supplies; escorting and guarding prisoners of war.  As events unfolded on the battlefield, however, its role changed dramatically.

At 8:00 pm April 8, 1917, the 85th moved to its assigned pre-battle position, advancing to the 'jumping off point' on 'Music Hall Line' at midnight.  Its war diary described the rather uncomfortable surroundings: "Very limited dugout accommodation.  Men crowded in trench, secured very little rest."

As the attack commenced in the early hours of April 9, Henry and the soldiers of the 85th soldiers carried out support roles behind the advancing infantry.  When the Canadian advance stalled along the left side of the Canadian line, the battalion's 'C' and 'D' Companies were dispatched to the front line at 4:30 pm and advanced toward the German line two hours later without the benefit of artillery support.  Its war diary proudly described the outcome:

"In spite of machine gun and rifle fire from the enemy, which immediately opened, the attack was pressed home, the Companies providing their own covering fire by Lewis Guns firing from the hip and riflemen firing on the move.  Many of the Germans finding themselves unable to stop the advance turned and ran but were soon put out of action by our fire.  About 20 prisoners, including 3 officers, were taken.  Two… officers and about 70 other ranks were killed.  At least three machine guns were captured."

The following day, the battalion's two remaining companies - one of which included Henry - took up positions along the newly captured line, under the command of the 47th Battalion.  The war diary reported "snow in afternoon, making conditions very bad for [the] men[,] who had no shelter except shell holes."

On April 11, 'A' and 'B' Companies returned to 85th Battalion command as it assumed full responsibility for a section of the new front line at Vimy Ridge.  The unit spent several days consolidating its position before being relieved on the night of April 14 and retiring to billets at Bouvigny.  Its first action at the front claimed the lives of 47 OR, while 6 officers and 116 OR were wounded and 3 OR missing after six days in the line.

Henry's performance under fire must have impressed on his superiors, as he was promoted to Lance Corporal on April 14.  Similarly, the 85th had demonstrated its resolve in battle and earned a well-deserved place in the Canadian Corps.  The battalion was assigned to the 4th Canadian Division's 12th Brigade, where it served alongside the 78th (Winnipeg Grenadiers), 72nd (Seaforth Highlanders) and 39th (Ottawa) Battalions for the duration of the war.

85th Battalion Crest - photo courtesy of Greville Nifort, Lunenburg, NS.

In the two months after its first combat experience, the 85th served on rotation in the Vimy sector, spending approximately one week in the front lines before retiring to support positions.  Tours were interspersed with several days' rest and training in reserve.  During the last week of June, the battalion participated in a series of attacks on German positions at 'Canada Trench' and 'Ontario Trench', near the Lens-Arras Road.  A total of 24 OR were killed, 8 officers and 118 OR wounded as Canadian units advanced a distance of one mile into the German line.

On the night of July 1/2, the battalion retired to Corps Reserve at Villers au Bois, where personnel followed a daily schedule of training and lectures for the next three weeks.  Henry received a welcome break from military routine during this time when he was assigned to service "with [the] Town Mayor" of Villers au Bois from July 4 to 24.

On July 25, the 85th returned to the trenches in the Zouave Valley, where its personnel logged 39 consecutive days in the line before retiring to reserve positions on September 2.  While no major combat occurred during this rotation, the war diary nevertheless recorded 8 OR killed, 3 officers and 36 OR wounded (4 'accidental'), 7 OR gassed and 14 OR 'wounded at duty' during the unit's longest tour since landing in France.

Once again, the battalion retired to camp near Avion for a week's rest, cleanup and training.  On September 9, Henry was assigned to a "Gas Course", rejoining the 85th in Divisional Reserve at Petit Servins on September 15.  He was promoted to the rank of Corporal on September 13 and at month's end was granted a welcome ten days' leave.  At the time of Henry's return on October 11, the battalion was training on a simulated battlefield near Etaples, France in preparation for the Canadian Corps' next assignment - an attack on the Belgian village of Passchendaele.

On October 23, the 85th relocated to St. Lawrence Camp near Brandhoek, Belgium.  Its officers visited the front trenches to view the battlefield while personnel made final preparations for combat.  On the night of October 28, the battalion entered the front lines near Potijze.   The following day, officers marked "jumping off" points with tape in preparation for the assault.  That night, the men received hot tea and rations before assuming attack positions at 4:50 am, one hour prior to the scheduled advance.

At 'Zero Hour' October 30, the 12th Brigade's machine guns opened fire as Henry and the men of the 85th advanced toward the village of Passchendaele.  "They were met by heavy machine-gun and rifle fire… all the way along our front" as 9 officers were killed or wounded in the battle's opening minutes.  The anticipated artillery barrage in support of the advance was "light", and "very little if any of it fell on our side or on the enemy's trench".  'A', 'B' and 'C' Companies nevertheless advanced, "providing their own covering fire with rifle-grenades, Lewis Guns and rifle fire until they had passed our old front line.  Then, in No Man's Land, a fierce fire fight took place….  Anyone who attempted to walk upright instantly became a casualty."

The battle continued for approximately thirty minutes before 'D' Company advanced in support of the attack, breaking enemy resistance as its men reached their comrades.  "The whole line swarmed across the hostile front line and pushed on to the final objective, sniping the fleeing enemy and dealing with those who remained in shell-holes behind his original front line."  The 85th captured its objective by 6:38 am as the officer in charge somberly reported: "Casualties are very heavy."  While German forces appeared to regroup during the day, an anticipated counter-attack never occurred.

Its officers took stock of the situation as the 85th was relieved on the night of October 31/November 1.  The battalion had entered the trenches with 26 officers and 662 OR.  In the battle's aftermath, more than half of its personnel were 'casualties' - 12 officers killed, 8 wounded and 3 'wounded at duty', while 371 OR were killed or wounded at Passchendaele.

Corporal Henry Farrell survived the battle but was amongst the October 30th firefight's OR casualties.  He was evacuated to 2nd Canadian General Hospital, Le Treport, France on November 1, suffering from a shrapnel wound to his left forearm and a mild contusion to his head.  Medical records later described a small, three-point scar behind his left ear.  Luckily, neither injury was serious as Henry was discharged to 3rd Convalescent Depot, Le Treport on November 5 and returned to Canadian Base Details at Etaples, France six days later.

On November 22, Henry was officially classified 'Category A' - fit for active service.  He was transferred to the Canadian Corps Reinforcement Centre (CCRC) on November 28 and rejoined the 85th in the field on December 3, a rapid recovery considering the fate of so many of his comrades.

At the time of Henry's return, the battalion was in Divisional Reserve at Reimbert, France.  Personnel spent the first half of December in training before relocating to Guoy-Servins on December 17.  The following day, the weather was "snowing and freezing" as the 85h moved "over Vimy Ridge through Givenchy to [the] support line of [the] left Avion sector" in relief of the 2nd Canadian Infantry Battalion. 

The situation was quiet as the battalion endured twelve days in "freezing and hazy" conditions.  Personnel provided work parties for wiring before moving into the front trenches on December 23.  The war diary's Christmas Day entry described a typical winter's day in the line:

"Cold, turning fine, then snowy and strong wind.  Quiet except evening strafe and some 'pineapples' with gas sent on right half of Battalion front, stopped by Artillery retaliation."

In later years, daughter Eileen Haynes recalls her father Henry describing the experience of sleeping in the trenches and awakening to find one's woolen garments frozen to the ground.

85th Battalion pin - photo courtesy of Greville Nifort, Lunenburg, NS.

The 85th was relieved on December 29 and retired to Niagara Camp, Chateau de la Haie, having sustained light casualties during the month: 1 officer wounded; 2 OR killed and 4 wounded.  On New Year's Day 1918, the battalion served "Christmas Dinner for 'other ranks' at 1 pm."  In the evening, personnel "paraded… to [the] theatre to see new pantomime 'Aladin France' by 4th Divisional Troupe (Maple Leaves Concert Company)."  Two days later, the unit relocated to Alberta Camp at Souchez, where the men provided wiring parties for the front lines.

The weather was "stormy… [with] snow and high wind" as the 85th moved to support positions in Mericourt Sector on January 9, 1918.  After providing work parties for several days, the unit assumed forward positions on January 14.  That same day, the war diary reported that one its intelligence officers was fatally wounded while on patrol.  The January 15 entry described the weather as "cloudy [and] very mild" but made no mention of further casualties.

That same day, Corporal Henry Farrell was admitted to No. 13 Canadian Field Ambulance with a 'bomb wound' to his left leg and left wrist.  There is no record of the circumstances in which he received these injuries.  It is possible that Henry participated in the previous day's patrol.  The battalion's month-end casualty report listed 9 OR with similar wounds to various body parts on January 15, suggesting that an artillery shell may have landed amongst a group of soldiers.  Whatever the circumstances, Henry was evacuated to No. 30 Casualty Clearing Station two days later and admitted to No. 26 General Hospital, Etaples, France on January 18, 1918.

Once again, Henry's injuries proved to be mild.  On January 31, he was transferred to No. 6 Convalescent Depot, Etaples.  That same day, he was promoted to Sergeant.  Henry was discharged from medical care on February 3 and transferred to the Canadian Corps Reinforcement Centre, where he waited ten days before returning to the 85th in the field on February 13, 1918.

At the time of Henry's return, the battalion was in training at Petit Servins, moving to billets at Reimbert for further drill five days later.  The war diary recorded the arrival of 98 OR reinforcements from the 185th Battalion (Cape Breton Highlanders) - one of the 85th's former 'sister' Highland Brigade units - on March 3.  Ten days later, personnel returned to the line, assuming support positions near Bully Grenay before moving into the front trenches on March 18 near St. Emile.

The situation was "rainy [and] quiet" as the battalion worked at "wiring defended localities and cleaning out communication trenches" on its first day.  The men carried out similar tasks for several days before retiring to support positions on March 23 and moving into Divisional Reserve at Cite Colonne the following day.  On March 28, the 85th was briefly assigned to the "Odlums Composite Brigade".  Hastily organized in response to a massive German offensive launched on March 21 and placed under the command of Brigadier-General V. W. Odlum, the Brigade never saw action, as the Canadian sector was not subjected to a major German attack.

On March 29, the 85th returned to the command of the 12th Infantry Brigade, moving into the front trenches near Gavrelle later that evening.  The following day, the war diary described "very heavy enemy shelling in forenoon" in addition to a "great deal of enemy movement… in his rear area".  On April 1, the diary reported: "Quite a number of enemy aeroplanes flew over our lines.  One large bombing plane flew over about 10:30 AM and dropped 2 bombs on [our] front line.  One of these was a dud."

While observers continued to report "enemy movement much above normal", the situation remained relatively quiet in the 85th's sector.  Its war diary also recorded an unusual incident that took place on April 3, a small glimpse of humanity amongst the brutality of war:

"Lieutenants Ernst and Smith while on daylight patrol captured a wounded Bosche [German]….  Lieutenant Ernst carried him on his back a distance of about 900 yards.  The Bosche had been wounded during the attack of March 28th and had not been able to get back to his lines."

The following day, the war diary noted a "remarkable decrease in enemy artillery since [the] beginning of [the] tour.  Now below normal."  Later that evening, the 85th was relieved by the 46th Canadian Infantry Battalion and personnel made its way to Aubrey Camp, Ecurie.  The war diary recorded that conditions were "very wet and muddy coming out of line."  The comment may explain the third - and final - injury that Henry sustained during his service with the 85th.  On April 4, he was admitted to No. 13 Canadian Field Ambulance, suffering from a sprained right ankle and fractured fibula, injuries he incurred accidentally.

Henry was briefly admitted to St. John's Ambulance Brigade Hospital, Etaples on April 10 before being evacuated to England, where he was admitted to Norfolk War Hospital, Thorpe, Norwich on April 13.  He spent two and a half months recovering from his injuries before being discharged to the Canadian Military Convalescent Hospital at Woodcote Park, Epsom.  Medical records described his condition at the time of his arrival:

"Accidentally fractured… fibula… simple fracture. Union of bones good.  No sign of injury.  Movement good.  General Health good.  No complaints."

Henry was discharged from hospital on July 27, 1918 and transferred to the 17th Reserve Battalion, Bramshott.  His days in the trenches, however, had come to an end as he was not reassigned to duty at the front.  Henry spent the next eleven months in England before departing for Canada on board HMT Mauretania on June 28, 1919.  Sergeant Henry Michael Farrell was officially discharged from military service at Halifax on July 13, 1919 and returned to his Guysborough County home.

*****

Upon returning to civilian life, Henry resumed his work as a telephone lineman, an occupation that took him to various parts of Guysborough County.  On November 28, 1923, he married Margaret Ann Marr.  The couple settled in Riverside, where they raised a family of five children - three boys and two girls.

Sgt. Henry Farrell shortly after returning from overseas - photo courtesy of Eileen (Farrell) Haynes.

During the Second World War, Henry once again enlisted for military service but remained in Canada.  He served as a Lance Corporal with the Pictou Highlanders and a Corporal with the Royal Canadian Engineers from June 4, 1940 to June 21, 1946. 

Upon retirement, Henry spent his last years in his Riverside.  His daughter Eileen recalls her father suffering from circulation problems with his feet, the result of service in the cold, muddy trenches of northern France and Belgium.  Henry Michael Farrell passed away on August 26, 1968 at St. Martha's Hospital, Antigonish and was laid to rest in St. Ann's Parish Catholic Cemetery, Guysborough.

*****

Sources:

Service Record of Henry Michael Farrell, attestation number 223455.  Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG 150, Accession 1992-93/166, Box 3003 - 47.  Attestation papers available online.

War Diary of 85th Canadian Infantry Battalion.  Library & Archives Canada, Ottawa: RG9, Militia & Defence, Series III-D-3, Volume 4944, Reel T-10751-10752, File: 454.  Available online.

A special thank you to Henry's daughter, Eileen (Farrell) Haynes of Guysborough, who contributed a photograph along with valuable information to this account of her father's war experience.